The scandal over participation of local prosecutors in protecting the chain of illegal casinos in the Moscow region affects more and more people. “Godfather” of corrupt prosecutors Yuri Sindeyev, head of the inner control department in the Prosecutor General’s Office, has resigned. Searches were conducted in the office of Nikolay Golovkin, chief of the Moscow region police. However, there is a person in the headline-breaking case that seems to have immunity. That person is the lawyer Dmitry Yakubovsky, better known as General Dima.
Testimony of witnesses, including prosecutors, show that Yakubovsky was involved in many shady activities in Moscow region. But he has not been even summoned for questioning. The reasons for such an immunity stem from the 1990s, when General Dima participated in the wars over power in the country and was a very influential person. Since then he has damaging information on various officials including acting ones.
King of theatre tickets and lavotary pans
Dmitry Olegovich Yakubovsky was born on September 5, 1963 in the family of Lieutenant Colonel Oleg Yakubovsky, a senior researcher in a top-secret USSR Ministry of Defense Research Institute № 4. His two brothers, Stanislav and Aleksander, were born later. In 1979, when Dima was 16 years old, his father died of cirrhosis of the liver. Moreover, the disease was not caused by alcohol, but by exposure to radiation at work.
Dmitry is rumored to have undergone treatment for schizophrenia as a child. He went to the same school as Andrey Karaulov, who later became a well-known television journalist and host of popular show Moment Istiny (Russian for “the moment of truth”). Friends of Dmitry’s father tried to help the boy enter a prestigious military higher education institution, namely Leningrad Institute of Military Engineers. But at the time such prestigious universities had a clear limit on Jewish students. Yakubovsky did not get into it. So he entered a more modest Perm Higher Military Academy of Strategic Rocket Forces. The academy did not get through the grind of military training, because Dima was not used to such atmosphere. As a result, he was expelled from his first year "for low moral standards." The young man went to serve in Zlatoust, a city near Chelyabinsk.
When the military service was over, he went to work as a loader in the suburbs, but he did that for just a couple of months, and then Dmitry got tired of the dirty work. He was determined to get higher education in the simplest way, which was to enter an evening department of a university. But only employed young people could enter evening departments and preference was given to those who worked in the same field as their future degree would be in. Dmitry began to ring up various agencies trying to find a job. In institutions related to culture, he claimed that he needed a job because he wanted to enter a relevant university course. In trade institutions he claimed that he wanted to become a student of the university, which trains sales staff. But nobody wanted to hire him.
Then for the first time Dima came up with a shrewd move. He phoned a USSR Prosecutor General's office mid-level employee and said that he wanted to enter a law school and was looking for a job. The man, who was not pleased with being bothered on such matters, yelled at Dmitry and told him to address an ordinary clerk for that matter. When Yakubovsky phoned the clerk, he said that he was calling "upon the recommendation of" the middle manager, whom he had called earlier. In Soviet times the phrase "calling upon the recommendation" could solve many problems. The clerk thought that Dima had connections and offered him a job. He was hired as a lowest-ranking technical clerk. Almost immediately it became clear that the newfound employee did not really have any useful skills. As a result, his first task was to get tickets to the theatre for the chief, which at that time were a major deficit. Dmitry succeeded and was again charged with the same task.
Soon all ticket office employees in Moscow knew Yakubovsky as the young man, for whom they should always put off tickets. He thanked the cashiers by giving them various presents including lipstick, perfume, and sweets. Prosecutor General's office employees who wanted to purchase tickets through Dima grew in number and there were so many of them that he decided to take a step further. Once Yakubovsky brought tickets to the reception of Deputy Prosecutor General and ran into him at the door. Dima quickly put two and two together and told him that all the other government agencies had a permanent reservation for the tickets and only the Prosecutor Generals’s Office did not. Soon he was handed a letter signed by Deputy Prosecutor General addressed to the Ministry of Culture for assistance in obtaining tickets for the staff of the law enforcement agency. Dmitry personally brought the letter to the Deputy Minister of Culture and Ivanov, the then deputy minister, signed it.
Dmitry Yakubovsky's first assignment as prosecutor's office employee was to get theatre tickets
All theatres easily agreed to have tickets reserved for prosecutors. Only the Bolshoi Theatre persisted because to get there meant to withstand competition from other agencies that had tickets reserved for them. Tickets to Bolshoi became a matter of principle for Dima. He addressed Deputy Prosecutor General and Deputy Minister of Culture with a claim saying that the theatre did not act in accordance with the orders he had received from the mentioned officials. The Bolshoi staff gave in, but they were not pleased with such persistence of Yakubovsky.
Having virtually unlimited access to theatre tickets, Dmitry quickly became a needed person for the wives and children of various officials. During the Soviet era people who could get something in short supply were highly valued. But the career in the prosecutor's office quickly collapsed. Representatives of the Bolshoi Theatre complained that tickets reserved for prosecutor’s office staff were often used by strangers. This resulted in Yakubovsky being fired from the agency.
But by that time he was already a student at the All-Union Correspondence Institute of Law and had different useful connections. As a result, Dima immediately got a job as an engineer at USSR Gossnab central warehouse. Such a job meant having the access to building materials which were even more of a deficit than theatre tickets. Yakubovsky quickly acquired new connections. Among them there were underground millionaires, factory directors, managers of construction companies, and generals. The latter helped Dmitry to get a job in Moscow Military District housing unit. But he got fired very soon.
One of the new friends contributed to the further career of Dmitry. Yuli Bocharov, deputy director of Lobnensky plant which produced sanitary faience, helped Yakubovsky to get a job at Glavmosremont. There the young man worked for a short period of time as a low-ranking employee, and then was promoted to deputy chief of construction Remstroytrest management in Pervomaisky district. In this position, Dmitry was responsible for plumbing in residential homes, which, in fact, was what Bocharov wanted from helping his friend to get into the agency. Together, they carried out large-scale fraud in the supply of lavatory pans. Yakubovsky started to make big money.
Dmitry’s boss was extremely displeased with this activity of his subordinate, and Bocharov arranged for Dmitry to become chief of Remstroytrest supply department in Leninsky district. Once Dmitry was introduced to Constantine Apraksin, the permanent head of Moscow City Bar, over some work-related issues, the lawyer complained that the City Bar was allotted a building for offices, but there were problems with relocating tenants and with renovation. Yakubovsky immediately offered his services, and specifically mentioned that he was getting a law degree. That way he entered the world of advocacy.
Prosecutor's office procurement agent
In 1984, when Yakubovsky was only 21 years old, Apraksin appointed him as his assistant. Dmitry quickly adapted to the new job. Through his connections he was able to get flats for tenants of the building aimed for offices, and then had it placed on Glavmospromstroy plan for reconstruction. Soon the Bar had a freshly renovated office building. Yakubovsky was promoted to senior consultant of the panel. However, his duties were not connected to law. He helped with getting an apartment, constructing a county house, or dacha as it is called in Russian, etc.
Politburo problem solver
In 1986 Yakubovsky entered into a marriage that was considered very lucrative at the time. He married Elena Muravyeva with whom he had a daughter Daria Yakubovskaya. Muravyeva’s father was deputy chairman in Mosoblispolkom, i.e. Moscow region executive committee, which was in fact the government of Moscow. Among other things, he oversaw the construction and allocation of dachas in the suburbs.
Thanks to his wife and her father, Dmitry got in the party highest circles. In particular, he actively communicated with the children of party bosses. The Yakubovsky couple became especially close to the son and daughter of Anatoly Lukyanov, who later became all-powerful secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Several sources of Rumafia said that in the 1980s Dmitry who had a lot of high-ranking friends interested KGB and became its agent.
Dmitry’s career developed rapidly, although it was still in construction. In 1987 Boris Yeltsin appointed a new Moscow prosecutor Lev Baranov, to whom Yakubovsky was introduced as the right person. The young lawyer became head of property maintenance department in the office of the chief prosecutor of Moscow city. He quickly got several buildings on Novokuznetskaya Street for his new office. Moscow prosecutor’s office still occupies those buildings. Yakubovsky actively helped employees get apartments. An important achievement of Dmitry in this department was the installation of telephones, connecting senior management of the city and country. Yakubovsky also installed one in his reception. Even then, the young man loved to use this means of communication to solve even the tiniest issues. The main thing was to make sure that people he called remembered him, so that he could use them again later.
In 1987 Boris Yeltsin was dismissed from his post as first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee. The relationship between Yakubovsky and Baranov became very tense. Yakubovsky considered himself a gray cardinal of Moscow prosecutor’s office because of his connections. Baranov did not think so. Once the Moscow lawyer sent an acquaintance of his to talk to Yakubovsky and ordered that she was driven home in a service car. Dmitry was outraged at Baranov’s attempt to use him almost as a driver. Being a quick-tempered person, Yakubovsky spoke rudely to Baranov. A conflict broke out. As a result, Yakubovsky faced criminal charges for the first time in his life. He was accused of having run over a man in a car accident. No connections could help him with that and Dmitry had to leave the prosecutor’s office. The case was soon closed.
For a few months Yakubovsky worked at Moscow City Executive Committee in the hotels department. Then he settled down with the old connections in the Bar, namely Gregory Voznesensky, Chairman of the USSR Union of Lawyers, appointed him secretary of the Union. Again, Yakubovsky engaged in construction. Having renovated rooms, Dmitry was able to arrange to have a phone in his office. He also lobbied for the adoption by the Council of Ministers of the USSR "The provisions of the Union of Lawyers", equating the agency in rights with the Union of Writers and other creative unions. It happened in 1989.
Then Yakubovsky decided to give it a try as an acting lawyer. However, throughout his career he was engaged in quite specific advocacy. Dmitry introduced clients to people who could solve their problems. He collected information at the top as to what the clients needed to do to avoid being put behind bars. In the meanwhile he always kept in mind his extremely excessive financial interests. Simply put, Yakubovsky never was a lawyer, he was a problem solver.
One of his first clients was Gaidar Aliyev, the then a member of the CCPU Executive Committee Politburo and First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Aliyev had a conflict with Mikhail Gorbachev. In February 1990 Pravda newspaper published devastating article about Aliyev. He was in disgrace, all prominent party members refused to communicate with him. There were rumours of his possible arrest.
Gaidar Aliyev, first major clients of Yakubovsky as problem solver
Aliyev frequently contacted the journalist Andrey Karaulov, who advised to seek assistance from the lawyer Yakubovsky who had extensive connections. Dmitry perfectly played the role of problem solver. Having found out how serious the problems of Aliyev were and having discussed them with relevant people, Yakubovsky explained to the client what to do in order to avoid serious consequences. He advised Alieyv to leave Moscow for Azerbaijan where he was born and to become a national deputy so that to try to return to the pinnacle of power in the status of a deputy. The plan worked. For many years Aliyev ruled independent Azerbaijan.
After that incident, Yakubovsky had other clients. Among them there were senior officials and representatives of the emerging organized crime.
A twenty-seven-year-old general
Dmitry Yakubovsky’s brother Stanislav was enrolled in the army in 1990. For his brother Dmitry turned compulsory military service into a dream. He arranged for Stanislav to be sent in the Western Group of Forces. Yakubovsky would travel to Eastern Germany to visit his brother. In Germany Yakubovsky befriended Mogilatov, the aide to the WGF Commander in Chief. By 1990 the Soviet government had lost control of the financial affairs of the WGF. Every year Moscow transferred huge money to Germany to maintain the forces. This money was being embezzled. Alcohol, cigarettes, and home appliances were smuggled from Germany to Moscow under the guise of military cargoes. Antiques were transferred in the opposite direction. The WGF brought huge profits to high-profile officials, who still have cushy jobs, to generals, business owners, leaders of organized crime groups, and such con artists as Semen Mogilevich, Arkady Gaidamak, and Alimzhan Tokhtakhunov. At the beginning Yakubovsky and Mogilatov were involved in minor scams.
With the USSR falling apart it was clear that the WGF were living out their last days. Sooner or later the government would have to put military property on sale. Naturally, Yakubovsky could not miss a chance to line his pockets. During Yakubovsky's visit to Moscow he got in touch with the then defense minister Dmitry Yazov. Once, after having come back from his trip to Germany, Yakubovsky made a call to the defense minister. Speaking with Yazov, Yakubovsky suggested a scheme of selling the property of the WGF. Yakubovsky promised that the scheme would be profitable, and the USSR Union of Lawyers would guarantee the legality of every deal. Yazov liked Yakubovsky’s proposal. Having asked about the details, Yazov decided that Yakubovsky could become a reliable ally for pondering military assets. Above all, Yakubovsky had recommendations from high-ranking military officers, whom Yazov trusted.
Cooperation between Yazov and Yakubovsky resulted in the unprecedented order signed by the defense minister on October 19, 1990. Below is an extract from the order:
<…> To establish a working group, consisting of generals and officers of the USSR Armed Forces from one side and lawyers, members of the Union of Jurists and Union of Lawyers, from the other side for managing and selling the assets of the Soviet Forces in the territory of the former GDR to natural and legal persons.
<…>To designate major general Yu. A. Belikov, deputy head of the staff of rear services, as the head of the working group from the side of the Armed Forces, and to designate D. O. Yakubovsky, secretary of the board of the Union of Lawyers, as the head of working group from the side of the Union of Lawyers and the Union of Jurists.
<…>To authorize the group to act on behalf of the Ministry of Defense of the USSR and its military units".
<…>To authorize major general Yu. A. Belikov, deputy head of the staff of rear services, and major general Ye. A. Gorbatyuk, head of the WGF rear services and deputy Commander in Chief of the WGF, to sign any documents, including contracts, agreements or other, pertaining to the above mentioned affairs, on behalf of the Ministry of Defense of the USSR and its military units if there is a written approval signed by D.O. Yakubovsky, the head of the working group from the side of the Union of Lawyers and Union of Jurists of the USSR <…>
Dmitry Yazov authorized pondering USSR military assets in former GDR
Together with a group of high-ranking generals from the defense ministry, 27-year-old Dmitry Yakubovsky decided on all affairs relating to the property of the WGF. Hardly had Yazov signed the order, Dmitry arrived to Germany on board of a military aircraft and got down to plundering military assets. He worked with a group of generals, led by Konstantin Kobets, deputy head of the USSR General Staff. The group controlled the whole process of selling out military property and guarded their cash bonanza from outsiders who wanted to have their share in the profitable deals. For instance, the group ousted Aleksandr Rutskoi, the first and the only vice-president of Russia, from lucrative deals with military property. It was Grigory Miroshnik who represented Rutskoi’s interests in the WGF.
Yakubovsky displayed no politeness to the majority of generals, who saw him as an arrogant boss and who had to suffer from his rudeness and bad temper. They nicknamed Yakubovsky General Dima.
In a short period of time Dmitry Yakubovsky became a wealthy man. His name was legendary in the USSR. Politicians referred to him as a mighty KGB general, who enjoyed unrestricted powers and could fix every problem through his numerous connections with the country's leaders.
Indeed General Dima worked for the KGB. He secretly reported all corruption cases and began to gather damaging materials about all participants of the military property fraud scheme. Yakubovsky had all his talks with the top brass recorded. His associate was Boris Birstein, head of the KGB-controlled international firm called Siabeko. They both collected an archive, containing incriminating materials against the generals. Birnstein was involved in a money-laundering scheme. Through the front companies set up by Birnstein, Yakubovsky and Kobets legalized money they made from selling state property. Birnstein also legalized money for both the KGB and its officers.
General Dima and General Kobets made a lot of enemies. They irritated Rutskoi, General Arkhipov, head of the rear services of the Armed Forces; certain members of politburo, and generals of the KGB, who did not have their share from selling the WGF property. Yakubovsky and Kobets did their best to protect themselves from the attacks of their enemies. Yakubovsky got in touch with Anatoly Lukyanov, a party leader, and brought him to his side. With Yakubovsky's help Kobets became a member of the RSFSR Supreme Council, Russia's parliament at that time. However their enemies reached out to Mikhail Gorbachev, secretary general of the central committee of the CPSU. Gorbachev ordered to probe into Yakubovsky's affairs and drive him out of the WGF.
This time his connections and his services to the KGB did not help. Yakubovsky fell out of favour, and his friends, including Lukyanov, advised him that he should stay away from the USSR for a while. Birstein and Yakubovsky had a common friend, Nikolai Olshansky. Olshansky chaired a state-run producer of fertilizers called Agrokhim. He appointed Yakubovsky director of Basle-based Fersam, a subsidiary of Agrokhim.
Anatoly Lukyanov, introduces Yakobosky to the high-ranking party members
In Switzerland Dmitry Yakubovsky cooperated with local intelligence service. In 1991 he went to Canada to attend Boris Birstein's daughter nuptials. Yakubovsky decided to settle down in Canada. When in Canada, Dmitry Yakubovsky conspired with Boris Birstein to launder money for Russian officials. Both kept records of this activity.
When the August 1991 putsch failed, the CPSU collapsed and the Soviet Union disintegrated. Gorbachev, who disliked Yakubovsky, was toppled, while Konstantin Kobets got a promotion. During August 19-21, 1991 Kobets coordinated the defense of the White House, Russian parliament building, and became a close ally of Boris Yeltsin, leader of Russian anti-communist forces and first president of Russia. Yeltsin appointed Kobets the country's defense minister. Soon after the disintegration of the USSR, Russian government established a commission for military reform, charged with the task of reorganizing the defense ministry, army, and navy. Konstantin Kobets was a member of the commission, and he decided to do a favour to his friend Yakubovsky. He invited Yakubovsky to Russia.
For fears of being arrested, Yakubovsky did not come back to Russia. Kobets brought Yakubovsky to Moscow in March 1992, using his personal plane for that purpose. Yakubovsky was named an advisor to the military reform commission. Together Yakubovsky and Kobets devised a scheme to defraud the state money for military reform. They misappropriated the state funds, allocated for other purposes. General Kobets and Dmitry Yakubovsky established a company called Information Agency LLC. The firm sold arms and defense systems, oil, gas, rare-earth metals, precious stones, etc.
Konstantin Kobets, closest accomplice of Yakubovsky
Kobets belong to one of the competing clans inside the Kremlin, namely to that of vice Prime Minister Vladimir Shumeiko. Yakubovsky joined the same group. When in summer 1992 Shumeiko was appointed first vice Prime Minister, he offered General Dima a post of out-of-staff advisor to Russian government for legal affairs and security services. Dmitry had a personal office in the government building, a permission to carry a firearm, and a dacha in Zhukovo settlement. By that time Yakubovsky had already realized that the land in Zhukovka and Odintsovo district of Moscow Region would become prestigious and bring enormous money in future. He began to buy up this land. Dmitry Yakubovsky's neighbours were Prosecutor General Valentin Stepankov, security minister Viktor Barannikov, and deputy minister of internal affairs Andrei Dunayev. Soon they all became friends. Yakubovsky made new connections and got himself involved in the number of affairs. His wealth grew day by day. Dmitry Yakubovsky continued gathering his collection of dirt; his archives filled up with information provided by his new friends.
In Yeltsin's time using damaging materials against political rival was an everyday practice. It is no secret that Boris Yeltsin was very suggestive and feared conspiracy. So if a person wanted to destroy his enemies, the first thing he had to do was to try to meet with the president, which was a hard task, but yet achievable. Then he had to present compromising documents against his rival to Yeltsin and hint at the possibility of conspiracy. The same moment Boris Yeltsin would dismiss this person. Dmitry Yakubovsky traded in damaging information.
Which documents were authentic and which Dmitry Yakunovsky forged was not so important. Aleksandr Voloshin, head of the presidential staff in the late 1990s - early 2000s, and oligarch Boris Berezovsky both used Yakubovsky's services. Since Yeltsin's time Yakubovsky, Berezovsky, and Voloshin have been good friends.
Meanwhile Shumeiko's clan planned to put their people to key positions in the military and security forces of emerging Russia. The operation took place in autumn 1992, and Yakubovsky played a key role in it. On September 17 he was appointed a plenipotentiary of the law enforcement and state security forces in the government of Russia, which gave him a status of a first deputy minister. At the same time he was appointed deputy head of Main Directorate of Radio Reconnaissance, advisor to Russia's Prosecutor General for the issues of international legal system, and consultant of interior ministry's criminal police and National Bureau of the Interpol in Russia.
News about Yakubovsky’s appointment was an unpleasant surprise for Aleksandr Korzhakov, head of Yeltsin's bodyguards, and Yury Skokov, secretary of the RF Security Council, Shumeiko's rivals. They immediately turned to the president and persuaded him to dismiss General Dima. Five days after his appointment Yakubovsky stepped down. This incident showed that there was rivalry between different groups inside the Kremlin. Yakubovsky's archives played important role in that struggle for power.
Each day brought a new configuration of power. One day Barannikov and Stepankov would plot against Skokov, then Rutskoi would plot with Birstein and ask Dmitry Yakubovsky for another piece of compromising materials about his rivals, or Shumeiko would make it up with his main enemy Korzhakov etc. But whatever configuration it was, Yakubovsky was a scapegoat. The question was whether to put General Dima behind the bars or to eliminate him. It was decided that the first variant would do. Skokov's protégé Viktor Yerin, the interior minister, ordered his deputy Mikhail Yegorov to arrest Yakubovsky. A SWAT team arrived to Yakubovsky's dacha in Zhukovka… just to find out there was another group of fighters inside his house. In the end Shumeiko's protégé Andrei Dunayev, also deputy interior minister, took Yakubovsky off to Yerevan, Armenia, and Yakubovsky went to Canada through the UAE.
Robbery, bribing a judge, attempted rape of a man
The Kremlin clans were struggling for power. Numerous anti-corruption commissions appeared. The heads of such commissions made public statements saying they would investigate major cases and find the guilty ones. It was always Yakubovsky and Birstein who had evidence.
Vladimir Shumeiko, political playboy
Within a short period of time, Stepankov, Barannikov, Shumeiko, heads of the RF Anti-Corruption Commission Andrei Makarov and Aleksei Ilyushenko, all made their visits to Dmitry Yakubovsky in Canada. They wanted compromising materials, and Yakubovsky gave them what they wished to have. He personally appeared on TV in the programmes hosted by his schoolmate Andrei Karaulov.
At some point Yakubovsky felt he was fed up with his role of a person who leaked damaging materials to the media. He wanted to take part in real politics. But for fears of legal persecution he could not come back to Moscow. In autumn 1993 Russia faced a new political crisis. Vice President Rutskoi and Khasbulatov, speaker of the Supreme Soviet of Russia, were in opposition to Boris Yeltsin. Yeltsin disbanded the parliament by his decree, which was the violation of the constitution of the RSFSR. There was popular unrest in Moscow, and Yeltsin tried to discredit his political rivals. He used the commission, led by Makarov and Ilyushenko, for throwing a lot if mud at Rutskoi and Khasbulatov. Makarov and Ilyushenko asked Dmitry Yakubovsky to help them with compromising materials.
Yakubovsky provided the commission with materials about a trust, allegedly owned by Rutskoi. In exchange he asked Makarov and Yakubovsky to give him an official paper. The following statement came through:
To whoever it might concern. About Dmitry Yakubovsky"
Notice is hereby given by me, Aleksei Ilyushenko, that 1) the Anti-Corruption Commision, hereinafter referred to as the Commission, has not accused Mr Dmitry Yakubovsky of any wrongdoing and that the Commission has not got any sufficient evidence to bring legal actions against Mr Yakubovsky. Neither me, nor the Commission, have reasons to think that Dmitry Yakubovsky has been involved in any criminal activity.
2) Mr Dmitry Yakubovsky has not given me, as the member of the Commission, any documents, records or any other materials, relating to Boris Birstein, Siabeco Trade and Finance AG, Siabeco Metalls AG, and Siabeco Canada Inc<…>
However, it was too dangerous for Yakubovsky to come back to Moscow. Even if he had such a document, his return would disappoint his former friends Stepankov and Barannikov, who frankly warned him against returning to Moscow. Stepankov and Barannikov arranged things so that the police opened a criminal case against Yakubovsky on charges of illegally crossing the boarder. Yakubovsky hit back with a campaign to discredit Stepankov and Barannikov. Records of telephone talks between Yakubovsky, Barannikov, and Stepanov appeared in the media, as well as the record of Yakubovsky's conversation with Birstein, when Birnstein had asked Yakubovsky to give him damaging materials about Shumeiko. The records of conversations became available for the media through Yakubovsky.
Boris Birstein, a prominent businessman, involved in former KGB money laundering
When Yeltsin won a victory over Rutskoi and Khasbulatov, a lot of Yakubovsky's rivals, including Barannikov, lost their high positions. Finally Dmitry Yakubovsky could come back to Russia. After all, this time people from the very top asked him to stay out of politics.
Yakubovsky chaired Moscow's legal advice bureau no.59. In Moscow everyone knew that he was the key figure for fixing problems. His connections opened every door for him, and this began to bring money. Among Yakubovsky’s clients there were both officials and members of the organized crime groups. Once General Dima helped leader of Solntsevskaya organized crime group Sergei Mikhailov, also known as Mikhas. Mikhas lived abroad, but the police searched his Moscow flat as part of the investigation into facts of corruptions in law enforcement bodies in 1993. At the very moment when the police seized the paperwork Yakubovsky rushed into the flat and took away the documents under the noses of the police.
Yakubovsky's hopes for a peaceful life ended when in 1994 his enemies, including Aleksandr Korzhakov, Viktor Barannikov, and Valentin Stepankov who were most prominent among them, asked Birstein to kill Yakubovsky, because "he continued compromising Barannikov and Stepankov". Birstein sent a confidant to Russia, but this person failed the task, being unable to find a hitman.
The same year Dmitry made a very big mistake and gave grounds for the police to arrest him. His brother Stanislav lived in Switzerland. He was a shadowy antiques dealer. Antiques were the Yakubovskys' family business.
Stanislav was involved in various affairs. A number of manuscripts, stolen from the Russian National Library by Viktor Lebedev, the keeper of ancient eastern manuscripts, passed through his hands. When Lebedev emigrated to Israil, he passed to Stanislav the list of the most precious manuscripts worth 250-300 million dollars that were kept in the library. The list also contained the exact location of the manuscripts in the manuscripts' department where Lebedev worked.
A good client of Stanislav, a Hattendorf, citizen of Austria, was interested in the manuscripts. Stanislav Yakubovsky contacted his influential brother Dmitry in St Petersburg. Dmitry decided he would organize the "robbery of the century". Thieves entered the library, stole manuscripts, and left them in a flat of Yakubovsky's friends in St Petersburg. They told them that inside the sacks there were kitchen items.
The friends worked as the FSB agents. By the way, at that time the FSB was called the FSK. They looked inside the sacks and understood that those contained the stolen manuscripts, not kitchenware. As the news about the robbery spread around the city, they reported to the police. Police officers made an ambush and caught Yakubovsky's bodyguard and driver. Earlier the driver worked for Andrei Karaulov. The driver and the bodyguard betrayed their boss.
Ankdrei Karaulov, a childhood friend
Dmitry Yakubovsky was arrested. It was a top story in the newspapers. Yakubovsky's friend could not help him out.
However, it was not easy to put Yakubovsky behind the bars. During the trial, he tried to bribe Fedor Kholodov, judge of the Russian federal court. The attempt was suppressed by the FSB. On November 14, 1996Yakubovsky was sentenced to 5 years in prison. He served his term in the colony for convicted policemen in Nizhny Tagil. While in the colony, he beat up his inmate and was sentenced to an additional term for an attempt to rape the man.
======= Organized Criminal Groups 2003 RUSSIA =======
Surname ............ YAKUBOVSKI
Name ................ DMITRY
Patronymic ........... OLEGOVICH
Birthday ...... September 5, 1963.
Place of birth ..... Bolshevom Moscow region.
Addresses ............. № 1 registered at 4 Obrucheva, apt.1 14, MOSCOW , RUSSIA
Passport ............ № 1 CRIMINAL CASE number 393 917 Episodes: 1. Article 174, part 2 of the RF Criminal Code. BACKGROUND: AN ATTEMPT to bribe a MUNICIPAL COURT judge FOR THE ADOPTION knowingly unjust decision in the case against YAKUBOVSKI; INSTITUTED April 24, 1996
The owner of Rublyovka
Yakubovsky was released from prison in 1998. For a while he tried to play politics. He undertook to defend Anatoly Sobchak and Lyudmila Narusova, and then held a press conference denouncing Alfa-Bank. Quite quickly Yakubovsky became an advocate for such people like Solntsevskaya gang kingpin Arnold Tamm, who in 2002 was charged with involvement in cocaine trafficking. General Dima no longer produced the same effect on people as before. Wars of damaging information were coming to an end. Authorities preferred to solve their problems in their offices, keeping their dirty linen away from the public eye.
Yakubovsky was quick to realize the upsides of such behavior. He had ceased to be a public figure many years ago. Rumafia journalists interviewed famous lawyers and found out that Yakubovsky continued to be listed in the registry, but no one could recall at least one criminal case in which Yakubovsky served as defense counsel in recent years. According to the lawyers, General Dima now led a quiet life of a major problem solver and rentier. He is still welcome in many officials’ offices, so sometimes different people who have problems with the authorities address him for help. Such problems are solved through Dmitry’s connections.
Yakubovsky no longer seeks to be a public figure
However, his main source of income is not problem solving. In the early 1990s he bought a large plot of land in the prestigious Odintsovo district. In particular, almost all the area around the presidential residence Gorki-10. When released from prison, General Dima immediately began building Gorki-8, an elite housing estate near the presidential residence. In 2007 Dmitry sold 75% of his stake in Gorki-8 LLC. for more than $ 100 million to Sistema-Hals, a subsidiary of AFK Systema. Yakubovsky still owns 25% of the shares.
======= Single state register of legal entities 2010 02 NATURAL PERSONS AS ENTITY ESTABLISHERS =======
Surname ................... YAKUBOVSKY
Name ....................... DMITRY
Patronymic .................. OLEGOVICH
Personal tax reference number....... 771002513807
Invested amount, in rubles ......... 43925000
Established entity ... GORKI 8 LLC
Primary State Registration Number........ 1075032011372
Date of entry ...... December 5, 2007
Name GORKI 8 LLC
Date of Update APRIL 2008
LEAGAL PERSONS AS ESTABLISHERS
Name Sistema Hals JSC
Address 115184 35 B, TATARSKAYA ULITSA, APT. 4, MOSCOW
NATURAL PERSONS AS ENTITY ESTABLISHERS
Invested amount (USD) 43925000
Date of entry December 5, 2007
Even after the deal Yakubovsky still owned land in Odintsovo district, including plots not yet used for construction, the cost of which rose almost daily.
In 1998 General Dima also began to help his people get various positions as Moscow region authorities and now he is one of the shadow owners of the region. In particular, in 2001 Dmitry Yakubovsky beat up a local businessman. He failed to hush up the incident since the businessman filed a claim to the police. Stanislav Buyansky, a 21-year-old employee of Odintsovo prosecutor's office, was in charge of the pre-investigation checks. A refusal decision followed and after that General Dima took care of Buyansky helping him with promotion so that by 28 the officer became deputy prosecutor of Moscow region. Buyansky was also a member of the prosecution group providing support for the underground casinos.
It is worth noting that all members of this group were associated with Yakubovsky, helping him in the land business and other projects. Ivan Nazarov, the man who set up the network of illegal casinos, in fact at one time was a part of Yakubovsky’s family, so to say. For a long time the man and the daughter of General Dima, Dasha, had lived together as a couple. And it was at that time that Yakubovsky introduced Nazarov in the gambling business.
In addition to prosecutor’s office, for many years General Dima has had control over Denis Panaitov, the head of Odintsovo department of the Russian Federation Investigative Committee. He also controlled successive heads of district administrations. However, Yakubovsky’s influence spread beyond Odintsovo district. He is acquainted with the leaders of the regional government of various ranks, who also assist him. As a result, Yakubovsky has a strong position in the region. In addition to the land business, Dmitry owns Transoil CJSC. He and his wife own half of the shares in Moscow Regional Energy Company CJSC.
Yakubovsky, a prominent rentier, and his seventh wife, Ekaterina
He is a very rich man, who no longer plays politics. General Dima focuses most of his efforts on the thing that is the most important one for him at the moment. It is women's volleyball team Valero which he recently bought in Switzerland. In spring the team became national champion. In Russia, such a manifestation of publicity like the acquisition of a sports club can be interpreted as an attempt to start a new political game and, therefore, it may entail imprisonment. Therefore, General Dima is forced to be a quiet investor and speak of former battles for power with other former key personalities of the 1990s. Such quiet life ensures that the security forces turn a blind eye to petty pranks of Yakubovsky. And so far he retains his immunity.
Surname ................... YAKUBOVSKY
Name ....................... DMITRY
Patronymic .................. OLEGOVICH
Investment value, rubles ......... 50 000
Established entity ... Transoil JSC
Date of entry ...... January 09, 2003
Name Transoil JSC
Status CLOSED DOWN
Update NOVEMBER 2008
NATURAL PERSONS AS ENTITY ESTABLISHERS
Invested amount (RUB) 50000
Date of entry January 9, 2003
=======Single state register of legal entities 2010 02 NATURAL PERSONS AS ENTITY ESTABLISHERS =======
Surname ................... YAKUBOVSKY
Name ....................... DMITRY
Patronymic .................. OLEGOVICH
Invested amount, in rubles......... 500 000
Established entity ... MOSOBLENERGO JSC
Date of entry ...... April 16, 2007
Name MOSCOW REGIONAL ENERGY COMPANY JSC
Update APRIL 2009
NATURAL PERSONS AS ENTITY ESTABLISHERS
Invested amount (RUB) 250 000
Date of entry December 29, 2006
Invested amount (RUB) 500 000
Date of entry April 16, 2007
Invested amount (RUB) 500 000
Date of entry April 8, 2008
Invested amount (RUB) 500 000
Date of entry April 04, 2008
Thomas Petrov, Alexey Gordon, Rumafia.com