четверг, 23 июня 2011 г.

Aleksander Voloshin lost his position

Annual meeting of Norilsk Nickel Mining and Metallurgical Company shareholders turned into a scandal. The main topic for discussion was the election of board members. A total of 13 seats were to be filled by choosing out of 25 candidates from the major shareholders including Interros, Rusal, Trafigura Beheer, and Metalloinvest, and those from the management.

According to The Russian Mafia web-site (rumafia.com), for the most part the meeting went peacefully. But the announcement of election results was a shock. First, shareholders voted against the remuneration to independent board members that amounted to 62.5 thousand dollars per quarter wit additional 31.3 thousand dollars if the board member chairs a committee. In particular, Interros was among those who voted against such payments.

But the main surprise was the election of Interros deputy CEO, Andrey Bugrov, as chairman of Norilsk Nickel board of directors. After the extraordinary meeting of the board in March, it was headed by Aleksander Voloshin, which was insisted on by Rusal. But now only two board members voted for him.

Rusal spoke strongly against it. The company insists that a "Russian independent manager" should be the chairman and it may offer new elections to Norilsk Nickel board of directors. In addition, Rusal is against the decision that the independent board members will be working for Norilsk Nickel for free. 


Owner of Renova deprived of brand name

A fierce battle over the legendary Russian jewelry house brand Faberge broke out between Viktor Vekselberg and Brian Gilbertson, former manager of SUAL. As it turned out, Gilbertson also managed part of personal assets of Viktor Vekselberg. This is what caused the conflict. In 2008 one of the companies, Renova Resources Private Equity Ltd, filed a lawsuit against Gilbertson to the Grand court of the Cayman Islands. The lawsuit was against Gilbertson, Pallinghurst fund entities registered in the Caymans, and against Autumn Holdings Asset Inc, a company controlled by the fund of the Gilbertsons.

As stated in the case file, from January 2006 Gilbertson controlled the assets of Renova, deposited in Pallinghurst. The fund was managed on a parity basis by entities of Gilbertson and Renova. Moreover, Pallinghurst was fully funded by Renova. All investment decisions were to be approved by the Pallinghurst board of directors.

Pallinghurst was established for investing in metallurgy and mining industry. Gilbertson was to look for new projects for the fund. In 2006 he offered to buy the rights for the brand Faberge from Unilever group, manufacturer of deodorants for men. Two years before that, Vekselberg bought a collection of Easter eggs by Carl Faberge from the Forbes family for more than $ 100 million.

Renova found the idea interesting. Gilbertson and his partners, including his son, Sean Gilbertson, agreed to buy the brand for $ 38 million and asked Renova for consent to the transaction. But in December 2006 Sean Gilbertson informed Renova that Project Egg Ltd (PEL, later renamed to Faberge Ltd) was established to buy Faberge. As stated in court records, before that Renova was not informed about the establishment of PEL which was included in the structure of Pallinghurst. Lawyers of Renova required transferring rights to Faberge brand to Lamesa, Vekselberg’s company in Panama, which is not part of Pallinghurst. The revenues from the use of the brand was supposed to be received by the fund.

Gilbertson, Jr., even signed a draft of the brand sales contract between Lamesa and Pallinghurst, but on January 2, 2007 he announced the decision to cancel the deal, saying that there was a source of alternative financing available. According to Renova, 25% of the needed sum PEL borrowed from Autumn, 25% from Dr. Milan Yelineka, and another 50% were taken from KM Corporation. These investors received corresponding stake of the new issue of PEL shares. And Pallinghurst entities got less than 1% of the enlarged capital.

According to The Russian Mafia (rumafia.com) web-site, Renova accused Gilbertson of violating the agreement and demanded to return 25% of PEL and to pay the penalty.

Vekselberg’s representative refused to give comments. Faberge representative also refused to comment on the lawsuit details. A source close to the Gilbertsons said that the intention of Renova to get full control over Faberge did not suit the family, so they found alternative funding for the project. 


Russian President put the heat on the Prosecutor General

Dmitry Medvedev met with Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika. At the meeting the President instructed the Prosecutor General's office to enhance monitoring of the investigation of criminal cases connected with Sergey Magnitsky, lawyer of the Hermitage Capital fund, who died in remand prison.

According to Yuri Chaika, the Prosecutor General's office, in particular, will conduct an inquest into the tax evasion criminal case against Magnitsky and William Browder, head of the fund, investigated by the Ministry of the Interior.

"Just recently, the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation has initiated a criminal investigation into the death of Magnitsky. It is in the framework of the case that the authorities will verify the legitimacy of medical treatment, check if detention conditions were proper and if the investigating authorities had legitimate grounds for initiating criminal proceedings against Magnitsky, Browder, and others", said Yuri Chaika after meeting with President. Prosecutor General's office will also increase supervision of the third case that has been initiated recently over embezzlement of funds from the budget of the Russian Federation through value added tax (VAT) return on forged documents. Prosecutor General's office intends to intensify supervision of investigation of the mentioned cases by employing highly qualified professionals who specialize in such crimes investigation. "I will have the best prosecutors of Russia work on these cases," said Yuri Chaika.


According to The Russian Mafia web-site (rumafia.com), in 2007 Sergey Magnitsky represented the Hermitage Fund and HSBC bank. On November 16, 2009 he died in the Matrosskaya Tishina prison. According to preliminary data, his death was caused by toxic shock syndrome and acute cardiovascular failure. Magnitsky was 37 years old.

In 2008 Magnitsky testified that some law enforcement officials were involved in large scale theft. Their actions, he said, damaged both the Hermitage Company and the state. According to Magnitsky’s testimony, the MVD and the Federal Tax Service were involved in the theft. The two government agencies stole more than 5 billion rubles that Hermitage had paid in taxes.

In autumn 2008 Magnitsky was arrested on suspicion of tax evasion and put in jail, where he died. Representatives of the lawyer claim that Magnitsky was denied treatment and pressed to recant his testimony. 

Novye Izvestia

Taiwanchik complains about unfair treatment

Alimzhan Tokhtakhunov (a.k.a Taiwanchik or Little Taiwanese), who is on the Forbes list of 10 most wanted fugitives (based on the information of American security services), has been interviewed by Radio Liberty/Free Europe.

In the interview he said that he was engaged in business and philanthropic activities for long, but it all went badly due to the crisis. He said he was looking for a new sphere to imply his business skills and expertise. Currently Taiwanchik stars a new film called MUR and continues writing. He has already finished two books.

His business abroad did not go well, he said, because in the West he had a reputation of mobster. This was unfair, he said. He did not obey the law, because he did not know it. Taiwanchik complained about being put on the international wanted list: “They kept nagging at me, put my data in all computers without having evidence against me. I have never been detained for criminal connections or real crime”. He illustrated his words by the episode from his life which shows how European security agencies dealt with him. When Tokhtakhunov lived in Rome, he got ill. A friend from Tashkent rang him up and advised that he should eat some Uzbek pilau, small grapes (kishmish in Uzbek) and big Tashkent pomegranates. His telephone talk was bugged and when Taiwanchik was summoned for questioning, the investigator asked: «What for do you need granades in Italy?». «Kishmish they translated as hashish. I was accused of arms selling and drug dealing», said Taiwanchick.

He said that the police tried their best to prove that he was an international crime leader and fixed Utah Olympics, because if they had not done it people would have said the police worked in vain.

Taiwanchik also said that he dreamt about going into politics. «Thanks goodness, I have not become a politician. My reputation was spoilt by convictions. If they wish they will shut their eyes to some facts. If not, they will recall of everything».  Taiwanchik himself recalled of how he met Vladimir Putin in Monte Carlo, when Putin was deputy mayor of Saint Petersburg. «There was something inside him, a sort of personal charm. When I was abroad, they used to say Putin is in Kremlin. But I said I saw him in Monte Carlo». 


Reference by the Russian Mafia (rumafia.com): Taiwanchik was mentioned in the media in relation to the  2002 Olympics in Salt Lake City. The US police suspected him of bribing figure skating judges. In August 2002 Alimzhan Tokhtakhunov was arrested in Italy and the Italian government was ready to extradite him, but the court of appeal overturned the verdict. Alimzhan Tokhtakhunov case has not been closed in the USA. The Interpol issued international arrest warrant for him over fraud charges.


Alexey Gordeyev - Governor of Voronezh region


Surname: Gordeyev

Name: Alexey

Fathername: Fathername

Position: Governor of Voronezh region


Aleksey Gordeyev was born on February, 28, 1955 in the family of a military man in one of the cities of Brandenburg, GDR. He lived in Germany for about three years, and then his parents sent him to his homeland to the village Uryadino in Kasimovsky district of Ryazan region. He went to school in Magadan. In 1978 he graduated from Moscow Institute of Railway Engineers with a degree in construction of railways, road and track facilities, and receiving qualification of railway engineer. In 1992 he graduated from the Academy of National Economy under the Council of Ministers of the USSR with a degree in management. After graduation and military service (1978-1980) from 1980 he worked as a senior foreman of the SU-4 Glavmosstroy.

In 1981-1986 he was chief expert, head of Department, and then deputy head of RSFSR Glavsnab Minplodoovoschhoz.

In 1986 he was appointed deputy head of production and distribution of packaging in Gosagroprom of the RSFSR, then deputy CEO of Agro-Industrial Complex Moscow.

In 1992-1997 he was deputy head of Administration of Lyubertsy district in Moscow region.

Since 1997 he was head of the Department of Economics, member of the Ministry of Agriculture of Russia.

Since May 1998 he was first deputy Minister of Agriculture and Food of the Russian Federation.

In early 1999 he was elected deputy chairman of Russia's Agrarian Party lead by Mikhail Lapshin.

On August, 19, 1999 he was appointed Minister of Agriculture and Food of the Russian Federation in Vladimir Putin's government.

On May 19, 2000 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Agriculture.

On May 25, 2002 he was elected chairman of the Russian public organization Russian agrarian movement.

On February 16, 2009, Dmitry Medvedev nominated him for the post of governor of Voronezh region. On February 26, 2009 he was approved in this post and dismissed from the post of Minister of Agriculture.

On March 12, 2009 he officially took office.


Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2005)

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (2008)

Medal of Honour (2001)

Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree (1997)

Medal "For Labour in Agriculture" (2006)

Medal for 850th Anniversary of Moscow

Medal for the 300th Anniversary of St. Petersburg

Medal "For the construction of the Baikal-Amur Railway"

Medal "For the transformation Nechernozemie RSFSR"

Honoured Economist of the Russian Federation (1999)

Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (2003)

Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (2007)

Medal of Stolypin, I degree (2009)

Honourary Certificate of Government of the Russian Federation (2005)

Hero of the Republic of Kalmykia

Order of the White Lotus (Kalmykia, 2007)

Order of the Polar Star (Yakutia, 2008)

Order of Merit for the Mari-El, II degree (Mari-El, 2008)

Order of Merit for Kaliningrad Region (Kaliningrad, 2009)

Medal of Merit for the society (Altai Krai, 2007)

Honourary Medal of Merit for Moscow (Moscow, 2005)

Badge of Honour of the Governor of Samara Region "For work for the benefit of the land of Samara (Samara Oblast, 2005)

Medal of Merit for the Chechen Republic (Chechnya, 2006)

Grand Cross with Star and Shoulder Ribbon of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany (2009)

State Counselor of the Russian Federation, First category

In 2010 Gordeyev’s revenue amounted to 4.8 million rubles, and his wife, Tatiana Gordeyeva, earned 2.4 million rubles. In the corresponding tax declaration the governor indicated as property an apartment, a garage with two parking spots and cars GAZ-M20 Pobeda, M-403 Moskvitch, and GAZ-69A.

Gordeyev is married and has a son and daughter

Source: Wikipedia



In the early 1990s Gordeyev was lucky to get acquainted with Viktor Semyonov, a major enterpreneur in the agrarian sector, who employed the former railway engineer and could not only enrich Gordeyev’s knowledge in agriculture, but also to consistently push him up the career ladder. According to unofficial information, with the help of his patron Gordeyev made his way to the administration of Lyubertsy district in Moscow region, where Semyonov allegedly had strong ties. Then Viktor Semyonov, as Minister of Agriculture, had his protégé transferred to the Ministry of Agriculture and even made him his first deputy, though he was well aware of Gordeyev’s professionalism. Next, Gordeyev smoothly moved into the chair of the Minister, when Semenov became a State Duma deputy.

Source: Novy Region, 11 September 2006


State company Rosagroleasing was established at the initiative of Gordeyev. On December 21, 2001 Rosagroleasing received its first budget money, 5 million rubles. On the same day, the state-owned company got a new head, Elena Skrynnik, who was linked to Minister Gordeyev. The two studied together at the Academy of National Economy under the Government of Russia.

As soon as the budget money was on the account of Rosagroleasing, it was redistributed between equipment suppliers, that is, Russian machine-building companies. Now it was the accounts in the commercial Akademhimbank that the money went to, and then it was issued in the form of loans at 20% per annum. During 2002-2003, Rostselmash transferred to Akademhimbank 1.4 billion rubles from the budgetary funds; Krasnoyarsk Combine Harvester Plant JSC transferred 1.2 billion rubles; Petersburg Tractor Plant CJSC transferred 230 million rubles; Volgograd Tractor Plant CJSC transferred 250 million rubles.

Source: Stringer, 08 July 2003


In 2003 the Ministry of Agriculture agreed with Ukrrezerv that Ukraine would receive the grain as a commodity loan and would pay for it from next year's harvest with little interest. However, Putin instructed Gordeyev to study the issue so that the supply could be done for money to make the deal profitable for Russia.

As a result the grain was delivered to Ukraine at a price of 110 dollars per ton, which was, according to experts, even below the cost. And even less than the price at which Ukraine purchased grain from its national (160 dollars). Meanwhile, grain prices in Europe rocketed to 200 dollars per ton. Viktor Yanukovych seriously considered the question of exporting 2.2 million tons of extra grain derived from Russia.

After such statements Russia not only did not cease to supply grains at reduced price, but also with the recommendation of the Ministry of Agriculture announced its intention to increase grain deliveries by another 1 million tons.

Source: Novaya Gazeta, 22 September 2003


In 2004 a group of officials including Gordeyev went to Athens on board of a MIBS Travel 10-deck super-liner Vesterdam, where the so-called Russian House would be located during the Olympics. MIBS Travel CEO, Marcos Shiapanis, announced the ticket prices. They were from 10 to 26 thousand euros. Russian Olympic Committee explained the reasons for such a stir among the officials who wanted to live on the superliner. A source close to Leonid Tyagachev explained that Gordeyev was President of the Russian Judo Federation. The Federation could afford to send its head to Athens.

Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 22 April 2004


Gordeyev was linked to Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov not only as a colleague but also as a friend. Gordeyev baptized Kasyanov’s daughter Natasha, and when he was deputy prime minister he often took the Prime Minister to hunt to Ozyorskoye, for which he later gave game keepers triple amounts of animal feed.

In late 2002 the old idea of ​​administrative reform came to the surface again. The reform provided for the abolition of deputy prime minister and making minister of agriculture and deputy prime minister in charge of agrarian complex two separate positions. It was directed personally against Gordeyev. The news caught Gordeyeva on vacation in Germany, and he started to prepare for retirement, but Kasyanov did not support the idea and thus protected his friend.

Source: Russian Kurier, 10 October 2005


The federal budget in 2005 specifically mentioned Agroplemsoyuz allocating the firm up to 50 million rubles for serving as agent in the process of repaying the debt of farms for breeding stock leasing purchased at the expense of the federal budget.

Agroplemsoyuz was headed by Aleksey Dankvert, the father of Sergey Dankvert, the head of Rosselkhoznadzor. Among the shareholders there were Agribusiness Ltd, which was owned by Inna Dankvert, the wife of the head of Rosselkhoznadzor, and Tatyana Gordeyeva, the wife of the Minister of Agriculture.

Source: Russian Forbes, January 2007


In 2010 Vasily Smolyanov, head of the Administration of Press and Mass Media of Voronezh region, sent by e-mail an order to all chief editors of regional newspapers, saying that "Each issue should include at least two thirds of a column dedicated to giving information on the activities of the governor and the government, using information from the official Internet portal of the regional authorities in order to avoid problems with the reports on completion of projects."

Source: Kommersant, 23 April 2010


In 2010 Vitaly Zhikharev, editor in chief of Voronezh regional newspaper The Commune, retired from office. According to his confession, one of the reasons for that was the scandal which began with a letter from Vsevolod Bogdanov, head of the Russian Journalists Union, to the Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika, in which he accused local officials of censorship in the local media. Gordeyev said that the scandal initiated by the editor "hurt the investment climate of the region."

Sources in The Commune said that the newspaper began to experience financial difficulties. The newspaper had state contracts as one of the main revenue sources, and such contracts were then withdrawn. Apparently, Zhikharev left his posts so as not to harm the newspaper.

Source: Kommersant, 24 June 2010


Since February 2010 the son of Gordeyev, Nikita, owns 100% of Sady Podmoskoviya (Russian for “gardens of Moscow region”) and Sady Podmoskoviya is the sole owner of the Oka agro. This agricultural holding began to form in 2007, based on Vozrozhdeniye (Russian for “rebirth”) and Intensive (former Avant-garde) farms which had been headed by Sergei Salnikov, former chief of the Department of Agriculture and Food of Ryazan region and the local Duma deputy, and his wife, Vera Salnikova. Total revenues in 2009 amounted to nearly 200 million rubles.

Source: Vedomosti, 25 April 2011 

Vladimir Chub - Chairman of the board of directors of Azov-Don Shipping Company


Surname: Chub

Name: Vladimir

Fathername: Fedorovich

Position: Chairman of the board of directors of Azov-Don Shipping Company


Vladimir Chub was born to the family of a military man on July 24, 1948 in Pinsk in Brest region. In 1971 he graduated from Leningrad Institute of Water Transport and in 1990 from the Academy of National Economy under the USSR Council of Ministers, in which he studied by correspondence majoring in economic management.

Since 1971 he was shop foreman at the repair and maintenance base of the Red Fleet in Rostov-na-Donu, head of hull construction shop, head of the production supervisory department, and chief engineer.

In 1972-1973 he served in the Soviet Army (Northern Fleet).

In 1980-1983 he was second secretary of the Proletarian District Committee of the Communist Party in Rostov-na-Donu.

In 1983-1985 he was chief engineer of the Volga-Don Shipping Company.

In 1985-1989 he worked as first secretary of the Proletarian District Party Committee of the Communist Party in Rostov-na-Donu.

In October 1989 he was one of the nominees for the post of chairman of the Rostov-na-Donu City Council and was elected chairman.

In 1990 he was elected chairman of the Rostov City Council of the People’s Deputies.

In October 1991 he was appointed head of Administration of Rostov region.

In 1993 he was elected to the Council of Federation of Russia.

In September 1996 he was elected head of Administration (Governor) of Rostov region. In 2001 he was reelected for a second term. In 2005 he was appointed Governor for a period of 5 years by President Vladimir Putin.

Since June 2010 he has been chairman of the board of directors of Azov-Don Shipping Company JSC.



Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree (2003)

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (1998)

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (2008)

Medal of Honour (1996)

Order of Friendship (2010)

 Order of Honour and Glory, 2nd degree (Abkhazia, 2003)

Order of Akhmat Kadyrov (Chechen Republic)

Honourary Certificate of the Russian Government (2008)

Commemorative Medal For service in the Caucasus (a sign of military distinction, established in South Federal District, 2003)

Medal for the 200th Anniversary of the Interior Ministry (awarded by Russian Ministry of the Interior, 2003)

Commemorative Medal "100th Anniversary of birth of the great Russian writer and Nobel Prize winner Mikhail Sholokhov" (Ministry of Culture and Mass Communications of the Russian Federation, 2005)

Since 1998 he is Academician of Transport of the Russian Federation and a honourary member of the Academy of Transport of the Russian Federation.

He is married to Zoya Chub, has a daughter, Tanya, and a grandson, Vladimir.

In 2008 Zoya Chub owned two apartments (241.8 and 30 square metres), a plot of land (930 square metres), a garden house (63.7 square metres), a garage (45.4 square metres), and non-residential premises (754, 2 square metres). Zoya Chub also owned a apartment 248 square metres in equal shares with her husband, the same as the garage and commercial premises. The Chubs do not own any vehicles.

Source: Wikipedia



Chub, the former first secretary of the District Council, became governor in 1991. According to media reports, Boris Yeltsin twice refused to approve him in office. Then the Russian president got tired of fighting with the privileges of party members, and Chub, a flaming Communist, mastered the basics of market economy.

Source: Novaya Gazeta, 12 September 2005


In the early 1990's Doninvest bank was established in Rostov. It mysteriously receives an exclusive right to manage all accounts of budget organizations of the region. It was Mikhail Paramonov, governor’s son-in-law, who headed Doninvest. Doninvest was not only in charge of budgetary funds transactions, the holding also had access to all the pension money of the region. The notorious TagAZ was established together with Doninvest and easily obtained unprecedented tax benefits. Some media mentioned that the Russian State Customs Committee gave customs privileges to Doninvest at the request of the Governor Chub. The regional administration transferred loans taken out of Sberbank to TagAZ. There was no intention to repay the money to the bank.

Source: Komsomolskaya Pravda, 02 September 2004


In 2004 the story of the imprisonment of Sergey Bidash, a famous businessman and social activist, was the widely publicized in Rostov region. Having managed to improve the situation at Taganrog Metallurgical Plant and make it one of the leaders of the Russian economy, Bidash could not find common ground with Governor Chub.

Bidash was forced to resign from his company, which soon had new, more tractable, owners. Attempts of Bidash to carry out other business projects in the region also faced obstruction. Then he was put in a remand prison. "Bidash is a local Khodorkovsky, and he should be in prison," said Chub.

Source: Russkiy Kurier, 23 December 2004


In 2005, during by-elections to the Duma in Kamensky single-seat constituency in Rostov region, before the start of the race, Vladimir Chub gathered heads of district administrations and ordered each of them to ensure victory of Vadim Varshavsky, owner of Russliy Ugol (Russian for “Russian coal”), in all districts. Visiting regional centers Varshavsky held the so-called "meetings with voters," which are attended by local officials. A common, in terms of Russian law, candidate spoke on behalf of the authorities. Moreover, representatives of regional administrations did not hesitate to urge residents to vote for the owner of Russliy Ugol, saying that that was whom the governor wanted to be elected.

Source: Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 16 September 2005


Don area Communists presented to the regional parliament a bill on changes in the regional law "On guarantees to the head of the administration of Rostov region, who stopped exercising his authority, and to members of his family." According to the opposition, the sum, allocated annually for the former governor provided by the current law and comprising 9.2 million rubles, was too high, and the statutory privilege was not justified.

According to the regional law passed by the parliament on June 10, 2010, the former head of the region will annually receive 80% of the salary of the incumbent governor, which was about 250 thousand rubles, for life. The annual sum spent on providing services to former governor includes transportation (825 rubles rubles) and security services (286 thousand rubles).

A governor no longer in office also receives life and health insurance, a spa treatment and medical care for him and his family.

Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 29 June 2010


Little is known about Zoya Chub, classmate and wife of former governor of Rostov. She has never appeared with her husband at official functions. She did not appear in public mush, as well. But since 2009, when Vladimir Chub included data about his wife’s finances in his tax declaration for the first time, everyone knew about the entrepreneurial talent of the then first lady of the Don area. In 2008 revenues of Zoya Chub amounted to 25.8 million rubles, which was nearly 10 times higher than the earnings of her husband. In 2009 she earned more than 174 million rubles, making Chub one of the richest wives of a governor.

It is not known for certain what business the governor's wife was engaged in. Only her restaurant business is transparent as she and her daughter Tatyana Chub owned Loza entity, which managed two restaurants, Chasha Dona and Delovoy Dvor. In 2008 net profit of Loza reached 36.8 million rubles. Another 20-28 million rubles could result from the apartment of 241.8-square metres and the garden house of 900 square metres that were mentioned in her declarations for previous years. Other sources, apparently, will remain a secret. In June 2010 a different person took the post of Rostov governor, thus the Chubs are no longer required to publicize their income. However, the minimum revenue of the couple is known as Vladimir Chub’s pension is 195 000 rubles a month.

Source: Vedomosti, 23 July 2010


On April 12, 2011 Rostov-na-Donu hosted the Day of Wrath, on which local officials received black spots. Participants of the demonstration put forward political demands to the authorities which included those to return to free elections practices, to register opposition political parties, to introduce electronic voting, direct election of governors, and direct elections for magistrates and district judges, to conduct an inquest into the results of activities of Vladimir Chub, the former governor of Rostov region, and the members of his team.

Source: Kasparov.ru, 13 June 2011 

Anatoliy Lisitsyn - Deputy of the State Duma of the 5th convocation


Surname: Lisitsyn

Name: Anatoliy

Fathername: Ivanovich

Position: Deputy of the State Duma of the 5th convocation


Lisitsyn was born on June, 26, 1947 in the village of Bolshiye Smenki in Sonkovsky district in Kalinin region. He got his secondary education in a night school. He was drafted to serve in the Air Force of the Soviet Army. From 1963 to 1987 he worked in the Rybinsk woodworking factory Svoboda, where he was gradually promoted from being an apprentice carpenter to being the director of the company. In 1977 he graduated from Leningrad Forest Technical Academy named after Kirov.

In 1987 he was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the Central District of Rybinsk. Then he worked as deputy chairman of the Executive Committee of Rybinsk.

From May 1990 to December 3, 1991 he was chairman of the Executive Committee of Rybinsk.

On December, 3, 1991 he was appointed acting head of Administration of the Yaroslavl region, and in 1992 became head of the regional administration.

In 1992 he was elected member of the board of the Union of governors of Russia.

In 1993 he was elected to the Council of Federation.

In 1994 and 1997 he was elected president of Central Russia, the Interregional Association of Economic Cooperation of Regions.

In 1995, 1999 and 2003 he was elected to the post of Governor of Yaroslavl region.

Since 1998 he has been member of the Government of Russia.

In 2001 he became member of the Presidium of the State Council and headed the working group on the development of military-industrial complex of Russia.

In 2001 he became the first recipient of the award "Russian National Olympus" in nomination «Governor of the year."

On November, 2, 2006 on the proposal of Vladimir Putin the acting head of the region, Anatoly Lisitsyn, was made Governor at a meeting of Yaroslavl region Duma.

On December 13, 2007 he officially announced his decision to become a member of the State Duma of the Russian Federation.

Awards: Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2004), Medal of Honour (Russia) (2000), Order of Friendship (1996), Badge of Honour of the  Medal of Honour (Belarus), Order of St. Daniel of Moscow, II degree (Russian Orthodox Church), Order of Saint Dimitri (Russian Orthodox Church), Order of St. Sergius, I and II degree (Russian Orthodox Church), Honourary Citizen of Rybinsk (2002) and Yaroslavl (2006), a large number of public awards and prizes.

Lisitsyn, in joint authorship with the political scientist Aleksander Micklin, wrote the book Liberal Revolution in Russia - the other side, describing the period of 1980-1990.

He is married to Raisa Leonidovna Lisitsina and has a daughter, Olga, and a grandson, Denis.

Source: Wikipedia




On October, 1, 1998 Lisitsyn announced his retirement from the movement Our Home - Russia. The governor condemned the position of the movement's leadership including Aleksander Shokhin and Vladimir Ryzhkov, who refused to join the cabinet of Yevgeny Primakov. In Lisitsin’s opinion the movement thus kept itself aloof from the work of the new Russian government, thereby "bringing into question the role of the Our Home - Russia as a constructive force, ready work for the benefit of society."

Source: Kommersant, 02 October 1998


On April, 23, 2001 Lisitsyn signed a law which contradicted the federal laws. The law "On stimulating the economic development of Yaroslavl region," provided that all businesses registered in the region that by the year exceeded the planned figures for the payment of income tax would be returned 80% of the excess sum from the part transferred to the regional budget. In addition, the governor used budget funds to repay the debt of the regional administration before building company Yarhimpromstroy and gave out a number of interest-free loans for enterprises and institutions of the region.

Source: Kommersant, 05 April 2005


On June 1, 2004 Lisitsyn entered a public debate with the president. He expressed dissatisfaction with taking the road tax payments from the regional budget. In response, Putin reminded the governor that instead of the tax federal government provides regions with some other revenue, but Yaroslavl authorities "decided to spend the money not on roads but on something else." Ten days after this the State Duma controlled by United Russia appealed to the Audit Chamber with a proposal to check Yaroslavl region for misuse of budgetary funds.

Source: Kommersant, 24 August 2004


The criminal case against governor Lisitsyn was initiated in June 2004, and in August he was accused. Lisitsyn was charged under article 286 part 3 of the Criminal Code (abuse of power). The grounds of the case were the check conducted by Audit Bureau of Yaroslavl Region and the Russian Audit Chamber. The two checked the law "On stimulating the economic development of Yaroslavl region" adopted by the local City Council in April 2001 and signed by the Governor. The two audit bodies and the investigation considered the law under which some local companies received subsidies from the regional budget and were exempted from taxes, caused financial loss of 1.5 billion rubles.

 Lawyers repeatedly challenged the legitimacy of the criminal case against the governor and his involvement as a defendant. However, Moscow City Court and Basmanny Court dismissed their claims. But at the end of August 2004 Prosecutor General’s Office closed the criminal case against the governor. "It was done with his consent, in connection with the end of time limitation for prosecution", - said the Prosecutor General. However, the investigation found that the actions of Lisitsyn caused more than 1 billion rubles damage to the budget. "The fact that Lisitsyn consented to the termination of the criminal case, points to him admitting having committed crimes which entail prosecution."

Source: Vremya Novostei, 24 August 2004


In April 2011 the youngest son of the governor of Yaroslavl region, Dmitry Vakhrukov, was appointed head of the largest electricity supplier in the region Yaroslavskaya Sbyatovaya Company. During the first two weeks in office, he managed to dismiss Andrey Vukolov, head of a Yaroslavskaya Sbyatovaya Company department. This would not have been a big deal, if it had not been for the fact that Vukolov was the son of former Governor of Yaroslavl region, Anatoly Lisitsyn. According to media reports, Vukolov, who had worked in Yaroslavskaya Sbyatovaya Company for six years, was told that he could not fit in with the new team.

Source: Zolotoe Koltso, 03 May 2011 

Sergey Morozov - Governor of the Ulyanovsk Region


Surname: Morozov

Name: Sergey

Fathername: Fathername

Position: Governor of the Ulyanovsk Region


After school Sergey Morozov (born 6 September 1959, Ulyanovsk) worked as a machine operator for a furniture factory. In 1977-1989 he served in the Navy, in the Pacific Ocean Fleet. Then he was a metalworker and a driver at a transport enterprise.

In 1981 he joined the police. He took extramural studies in Law at All-Soviet Distance-Training Institute of Law. He worked his way up from an investigator in local police station to the head of special drug control police unit of the UVD for the Ulyanovsk Region.

1995 head of the UVD for Dimitrovgrad

2000 mayor of Dimitrovgrad

26 December 2004 elected the head of the Ulyanovsk Region

In March 2006 Putin nominated Sergey Morozov as the governor of the Ulyanovsk Region. His nomination was approved by the local legislative council.

Unlike other governors, Sergey Morozov does not belong to old bureaucracy. He has not got connections neither inside the Kremlin nor in huge state corporations, which play key role in Russian politics. Former mayor of provincial Dimitrovgrad, he is among few governors, elected by the general vote, not appointed by the president.

Sergey Morozov is married. He has two sons: Mikhail (born 1982) and Evgeny (born 1984). They are students of Institute for Technology, Management and Design in Dimitrovgrad.

He has 2 daughters.

Source: Russian Wikipedia   



In the 90s Morozov headed the police of Dimitrovgrad (he was the head of the UVD for Dimitrovgrad), later he became the city mayor. It emerged at that time that he had close ties with Yury Kachmazov’s SOK corporate group that controlled a number of industrial firms in Dimitrovgrad.

SOK sponsored Morozov's election campaign in December 2004. Morozov won only in the second round of elections, despite the support of influencial United Russia party and the telegramm in support of Morozov which president Putin sent in the midst of the campaign.

After his victory a number of executives from SOK got offices in the administration of the Ulyanovsk Region. President of SOK Rustem Shiyanov became a representative of the Ulyanovsk Region in the Federation Council (upper house of the Russian parliament). In 2005 Morozov was invited to a birthday party of chairman of the board of SOK Yury Kachmazov and stroke other guests by a pig which he brought as a birthday present.

Source: Gazeta.Ru, 13 March 2006


In 2005 Morozov found himself in the midst of the scandal. During election campaign for the post of the governor, Morozov demonstrated commitment to family values, and expressed love to his wife Lyudmila and his family. After the poll, it turned up he had broken the bond of marriage in 2001. This did not prevent him from playing head of the happy family in 2004.

His second marriage was kept in secret. He arrived at the office of civil registration in Ulyanovsk's Zasviyazhsky district from the airport to where he accomponied Russian agriculture minister Aleksey Gordeev. Naking pictures was not allowed at the nuptials. Governor's new wife is reported to be 20 years younger than him and come from Dimitrovgrad where Morozov held a post of mayor.  

Source: Izvestiya, 20 July 2006


In 2005 Yury Kogan, member of the State Duma, Oleg Goryachev, member of the Ulyanovsk Region Legislative Council and Viktor Moiseev, leader of Our Motherland political group, criticized policy of the governor in the open letter, addressed to Sergey Morozov. They reproached the governor for «spinning» himself and pushing the interests of SOK Group by inviting managers of the company to his team. A spokesman of the governor said that Morozov had always built a “solidary team of professionals who shared common ideas and values of honesty and integrity”.

Source: Kommersant, 15 June 2005


In January 2007 head of the governor’s apparatus Aleksandr Bolshakov has handed in his resignation to the governor. Before joining the governor team Bolshakov headed the most secretive unit of SOK Group - control and revision directorate. He supervised business activity of the enterprises which formed the corporate group. His methods betrayed old school of the KGB. He was an inquisitor hunting for apostates.

Half a year later Bolshakov again found himself in the governor’s team. He was appointed deputy head of the administration of the region and head of the election staff of the United Russia political party.

Source: Vokrug novostey, 11 October 2007


Soon after the inauguration Sergey Morozov was hit by a major scandal. It emerged that Anatoly Ozernov, deputy governor, ordered the governor’s bodyguards to attack journalist Sergey Krasilnikov when he was filming the inaugurational banquet in honor of Morozov. Krasilnikov wanted to film dishes and drinks, served at the banquet, and show the tax-payers how their representatives spent state funds.

Source: 73online.ru, 08 April 2011


Morozov was sworn into office in the hall of the Lenin Memorial museum. About 1200 guest were invited. Besides the official ceremony, the attending guests listened to  the famous choir of Michael Turetsky and had a banquet.

Previous inauguration ceremony in 2005 took place in the hall of the Palace of Book with just 500 guests. In 2006 when Morozov was reappointed as the governor he chose meeting room of the regional administration for the inauguration.

Source: Kasparov.Ru, 11 March 2011


In 2010 vice-president of SOK corporate group Sergey Fanin resigned from all his posts in the company. In 2011 he was appointed an advisor to governor Morozov. Fanin was reported to advise on infrastructural and road building issues.

In April 2011 due to re-appointment of Morozov, Rustem Shiyanov, ex-president of SOK corporate group, resigned as a member of the Federation Council. Political analysts say that his resignation may have been triggered by “governor’s unwillingness” to continue cooperation with SOK. Morozov has been reported to receive support from this corporation.

Source: Ekspert Online,  25 April 2011

Tatyana Golikova - Health and Social Development Minister


Surname: Golikova

Name: Tatyana

Fathername: Alekseyevna

Position: Health and Social Development Minister



 Tatyana Golikova was born on February, 9, 1966 in Mytischi in Moscow region. She graduated Moscow Institute of National Economy named after Plekhanov, receiving a degree in Labour Economics in 1987.

In 1987-1990 she was junior researcher at the Department of Wages at the Research Institute of USSR Goskomtrud (abbreviation for “state labour committee”).

In 1990-1992 she was 1 category economist and then chief economist at the general department of the State Budget of RSFSR Ministry of Finance

In 1992-1995 she was senior economist, chief economist and then head of fiscal policy and analysis department of the Budget Department of Russian Ministry of Finance.

In 1995-1996 she was deputy head of Budget Department and later chief of the general Department of consolidated budget of Russian Ministry of Finance.

In 1996-1998 she was deputy head of Budget Department of the Ministry of Finance of Russia.

In April - August 1998 Golikova was head of Budget Department of the Ministry of Finance of Russia and member of the Russian Ministry of Finance Board.

In 1998 -1999 she worked as head of Russian Ministry of Finance Department on fiscal policy and was member of the Russian Ministry of Finance Board.

In 1999 -2002 she was Deputy Minister of Finance of Russia.

In 2002 -2004 she was First Deputy Minister of Finance of Russia.

On September, 24, 2007 she was appointed Minister of Health and Social Development of Russia.

Since October, 20, 2007 she has been Deputy Chairman of the State anti-drug committee

Since January, 11, 2010 she has been member of the Governmental Commission for Economic Development and Integration



Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (2008)

Medal of Honour (2006)

Order of Friendship (2006)

Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, I degree (2004)

Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree (2001)

Honorary Certificate of the President of the Russian Federation (2011)

Honorary Certificate of Russian Government (2002)

Honorary Title of State Counselor of the Russian Federation, class 1 (2003)

In 2003 Golikova married Viktor Khristenko, Trade and Industry Minister.






In 2006 the government allocated 32 billion rubles for project Health. The project was carried out by the Ministry of Health. Under the plan, the first four high-tech centres should have been operational by 2008. Cadolto, a German company specializing in manufacturing prefabricated modules for medical centres, supplied equipment for the project. In 2007 200 million euros, that were at that time equal to approximately 7.2 billion rubles, were transferred to Cadolto’s accounts. However, according to a Health Ministry report, in 2006-2007 funding allocated by the federal budget for the construction of medical centres reached 9.27 billion rubles. As of March, 23, 2009 the Ministry had spent already 18.7 billion rubles.

Such large-scale embezzlement during the implementation of national projects was spotted for the first time. Theft of the huge sum from the budget allocated according to official information for the construction of yet unfinished medical centres occurred when Tatyana Golikova was the Health Minister.

During the three years that followed the government decree on the medical centres construction, Golikova managed to report the completion of only one such centre in Penza. Moreover, the mentioned project was on the verge of collapse. In May 2009 city TV channels broadcast a scandalous report about the chief doctor of the Penza Centre for Cardiovascular Surgery addressing the Health Ministry with claims begging for funding. It turned out that the centre suspended all heart surgeries because the relevant ministry had not allocated additional finances.

After that Golikova said in an interview that "the implementation of the national project Health will be continued with emphasis on promoting a healthy lifestyle." She did not consider treating sick people a priority task.

Source: solomin, 18 June 2009


In January 2006 the media discussed Golikova, Deputy Minister of Finance, coming to a government meeting dressed in too transparent a blouse so that her underwear could be seen. Two years later the media published another picture of Golikova, Minister of Health and Social Development, in which her underwear was sticking out of the blouse that was not buttoned up all the way.

Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 31 January 2006


At the meeting in May 2010 the Ministry of Health officials decided to use a drug called arbidol as single remedy against swine, avian and other kinds of influenza. This drug is in fact only an immune strengthener, not a vaccine. But a significant share of Health Ministry budget was allocated to purchase it. The main producer of arbidol and recipient of budgetary investment is Pharmstandard, a company headed by Viktor Kharitonin, a longtime family friend of Golikova-Khristenko.

Another company that enjoyed such marketing was Federal State Unitary Enterprise NPO Microgen, immunological drug manufacturer headed by Lev Grigoriev, a relative of Kharitonin.

Other drug manufacturers have repeatedly noticed that the process of government purchases of drugs has turned into continuous preferences for companies that are close to the family of ministers. In this case, preference was given to the privileged market participants bypassing competitive bids, which violated the laws on public procurement of medicines and competition.

Source: Sobesednik, 26 January 2010


The list of those sharply criticized by Golikova in 2010 was so long and included so many public figures that what happened was even named the new doctor’s plot. Some of those doctors who disagreed with Golikova not just lose their jobs but also became defendants in criminal cases. Media quoted Golikova saying "I am fed up by these Roshals, academicians, professors... they just would not mind their own business and keep quiet!"

With the help of various internal intrigues involving libel, gossip, and threats of criminal cases initiating, the Minister Golikova and her confidants even managed to get even with Yuri Belenkov, head of Roszdrav, cardiologist and academician. Nikolai Yurgel was ousted from his post as head of Roszdravnadzor on framed-up grounds and in fact based only on Golikova’s wishes. Media published Golikova’s words on the issue: "We wiped Yurgel out! "

Source: Skandaly.Ru, 01 June 2010


In 2010 it became known that another health official close to the family of ministers was appointed head of the new ministerial body, state regulation of the drug market. The lucrative position was given to Marat Sakayev, deputy director of the department of pharmaceutical market and medical equipment of the Russian Federation Ministry of Health and Social Development.

Marat Sakayev is Golikova’s son-in-law. His wife, Irina Vyacheslavovna,is a cousin of the minister. Irina Sakayeva is the first deputy CEO of Lev Grigoriev’s NPO Microgen. Lev Grigoriev is a longtime friend and business partner of the two ministers. Sakayeva was one of the main developers of the new law "On circulation of medication."

Source: igolkin, 03 February 2010


In 2010, the results and conclusions made after the 7th Pirogov Congress of doctors were staggering for Health Ministry. According to the results of questioning publicized at the forum, out of 80,000 physicians of all subjects of the Russian Federation 93 percent believed that health care was in shackles; 87 percent evaluated the ongoing reform of the healthcare negatively; 73 percent tied up the disastrous state of healthcare with the inefficient activity of the Ministry headed by Golikova.

President Dmitry Medvedev demanded to deal with the numerous facts of corruption and theft in the procurement of expensive equipment to Russian hospitals. The audit by the Investigative Committee of Russia prompted initiation of dozens of criminal cases but the cases were mainly against regional officials. Not al all troubled, Golikova said that the ministry did not know the prices for medical equipment and medicines, and those to blame were the vendors, who hid this information from the officials.

In fact, the Health Ministry top officials could receive all information on all world markets for medical equipment and medicines within one working day if they wished to.

Source: Skandaly.Ru, 16 December 2010


On April, 13, 2011, when speaking at a Russian medical forum, Leonid Roshal sharply criticized the health care reform undertaken by the Minister Golikova. He noted that the Health Ministry had “not a single experienced health provider.”

Roshal also criticized the concept of profitability in health care and the ministry’s activities related to reducing the number of hospitals and medical stations with low patient flow, increasing expenses on GPs without additional funding for other specialists, on tightening time and cost control per patient, and integrating of ambulance services and clinics.

Source: Kommersant, 19 April 2011


In 2011, when commenting on Leonid Roshal’s letter to Vladimir Putin, professor Yury Komarov, vice-president of Russian Medical Community, said that Golikova’s Ministry employed no public health providers. Her subordinated officials did not know how to professionally manage and made no difference between health system and medical care.

Source: GZT.Ru, 19 April 2011


Golikova’s name was often mentioned in connection with desomorphine or "crocodile", a drug that is made with iodine, gasoline, matches, and acid from cheap drugs containing codeine, such as codelac, terpincod, tetralgin, and pentalgin. All of these drugs are produces by Farmstandant JSC lobbied by Golikova.

In 2009 in Krasnoyarsk, where Yevgeny Roizman’s non-governmental organization City Without Drugs has been a long-time success, there were attempted to prohibit non-prescription codeine containing. Pharmstandard filed a complaint with the Federal Antimonopoly Service and the attempt to ban the legal trade in raw materials for manufacturing of narcotics was stopped. In February 2011 Federal Drug Control Service presented a list of codeine containing drugs to the Ministry of Health. According to the document, starting with 1 May 2011 such drugs could be bought only on prescription. The Ministry of Health postponed the decision for six months.

"Health authorities organized legal trade in narcotics in the country ", said reverent father Anatoly (Berestov), one of the most prominent clergymen, who have been long struggling with drug addiction in the country.

Source: Novaya Gazeta, 24 April 2011 

Yakov Goldovsky - co-owner of Petrochemical Holding


Surname: Goldovsky

Name: Yakov

Fathername: Igorevich

Position: co-owner of Petrochemical Holding


Yakov Goldovsky (born February 26, 1962, Krivoy Rog, Ukraine) spent his childhood years in Tashkent (Uzbekistan). He studied farm mechanisation in the Tashkent Institute of Irrigation and Mechanised Agriculture. He graduated from Lomonosov Odessa Polytechnic Institute. 

1979-1981 metalworker in Volgograd and Krivoy Rog

1981-1983 military service in the Soviet army

1983-1987 metalworker in Tashkent

1987 metalworker in the Lyuberetsky consumer cooperation union

1988-1989 metalworker in the Moscow Automobile and Road Institute

1989-1990 member of Autotechnika cooperative firm

1990-1993 director general of joint Soviet-Panama enterprise called Columbus

1993-1994 director of Eddi private enterprise

1994-1995 consultant for Kedr-Tsentrs JSC (cedar items producer)

1995-1996 director of GNC Holding AG.

1996-1997 deputy director general of Roskontrakt JSC

1997 director general of Gazsibkontrakt JSC

1998 president of Sibur JSC, member of the board of SIBUR and Petrochemical company JSC 

November 1999 chairman of supervisory board of Salavatnefteorgsintez JSC

April 2000 member of Coordination Council of National Entrepreneurs

In early 2002 he was detained and retired as a director general of Sibur. He turned over the company to Gazprom. He was released and left Russia.

2003-2005 Through the companies affiliated with him, Goldovsky acquired a number of PET preform manufacturers in Lithuania, Ukraine and Russia. But in 2006 he quitted in business.

2004 He seized control over Nizhny Novgorod-based Korund chemical company, Romanian RAFO Oneşti oil refinery and Ukrainian FUD development company.

He is married and has 4 children.

Source: Lyudi.Ru




At the end of September 2001 Goldovsky had a conversation with first deputy chairman of Gazprom Petr Rodionov. Rodionov informed Goldovsky about Gazprom’s intention to reelect the board of directors of Sibur and offered Goldovsky to resign. However, the president of Sibur addressed his complaints to Aleksandr Miller, the chairman of the board of Gazprom.

Source: Vedomosti, 3 October 2001


On January 7, 2002 the Prosecutor General’s Office opened investigation into what might fall under Article 201 of the Criminal Code (abuse of power by manager of commercial entity). The criminal case was opened after officials of Gazprom alleged that  a group of people stripped Gazprom of RuR2.6b ($90m) by selling the assets of Gazprom’s daughter companies. On January 8, 2002 the police searched the offices of the daughter companies of Gazprom as part of the investigation. Three executives of Sibur were arrested: Goldovsky, chairman of the board Vyacheslav Sheremet and vice-president of the company, responsible for legal issues, Yevgeny Koshchits.

Source: RIA Novosti, 9 January 2002


On January 18, 2002, Goldovsky and Koshchits were indicted on a charge of committing offences under Article 201.2 (Sheremet gave a written cognizance not to leave the city). On January 31, 2002, a spokesman of the Prosecutor General told journalists that Goldovsky was indicted on an additional charge of misappropriation and large-scale embezzlement of assets, entrusted to the defendant (Article 160.3).

Source: Interfaks, 31 January 2002


On March 25, 2002 Vyacheslav Skvortsov was elected the CEO of Sibur. On July 1, 2002 the prosecutors brought Goldovsky and Koshchin case before the court. On July 31, 2002 the trial began at Moscow’s Gagarinsky Court. The first day created a sensation. Gazprom and Sibur withdrew the lawsuits in the sum of 511m ($18m) and 606m ($21m) respectively. The bailiffs told the court, that the losses they had incurred were redeemed entirely. This weakened prosecution, because the defendants were on trial for the charges of inflicting damages.   

Source: Kommersant, 1 August 2002


On August 8, 2002, the court released Koshchits on 2m ($70,000) bail. Goldovsky’s lawyer asked the court to release his defendant on bail too. He said that Goldovsky was in hospital, where he got prepared for the surgery. Goldovsky told the court he would not flee, because he wanted the truth to be found. He offered 20m ($700,000) as a bail. The prosecutor supported the motion.  

Source: RIA Novosti, 8 August 2002


On September 24, 2002 prosecutor Dmitry Shokhin urged the court to impose 4 years on probation sentence on Goldovsky and to 3.5 years on probation on Koshchits. The prosecutor also urged the court to bring guilty verdict for every count of indictment.  

Source: RIA Novosti, 24 September 2002


On September 2002 the court sentenced the accused to 7 months in prison. They were found guilty of abuse of power by executives, which infringed damages to their companies. They were acquitted on other counts due to the absence of crime. Personal securities of the accused did not let the journalist in the court room when the sentence was pronounced.  

Source: Lenta.ru 25 September 2002


In spring 2011, Vladimir Yevtushenkov, boss of Sistema conglomerate of companies, was reported to consider establishing the third core business (besides, telecommunications and oil-and-gas) – now, a chemical one. Insiders said, Sistema offered Goldovsky a position of advisor, responsible for finding suitable assets. Goldovsky told the journalist, he would have accepted the offer. “If there were an offer, I would say “yes””, said Goldovsky.

Experts say that the proposal would have given Goldovsky a chance to get back to Russian business.

Source: Rupek, 31 May 2011

Leonid Gozman - Advisor to the director general of state Rusnano corp.


Surname: Gozman

Name: Leonid

Fathername: Yakovlevich

Position: Advisor to the director general of state Rusnano corp.



Leonid Gozman (born July 13, 1950, Leningrad) graduated from the faculty of Psychology of Lomonosov MSU and was lecturing interpersonal relationships and political psychology at social psychology department. In 1983 he became PhD in psychology and a head of laboratory for political psychology research in the MSU.

1992 He met Yegor Gaidar and worked for him as an advisor. Since 1993 he is a member of Choice of Russia movement.

1993 He worked for Dickinson college (Carlisle, Pennsylvania, USA) and Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars (Washington)

1994 He joined Democratic Choice of Russia party

1995 He took part in the State Duma elections as a candidate from Democratic Choice of Russia United Democrats block.

1996-1998 advisor to the head of the Staff of the President and first deputy prime-minister Anatoly Chubais

1999 advisor to chairman of the board of directors of RAO Unified Energy System of Russia Chubais

August 2000 he campaigns for the Union of Right Forces block

2000 member of the board of RAO UES of Russia

2001 He is elected member of the political board of the Union of Right Forces

28 May 2005 he is elected the deputy head of federal political board of the Union of Right Forces. At the elections to Moscow’s city council (of the 4th convocation) he was against the coalition with Yabloko party

26 September 2008 Gozman replaced Nikita Belykh as the head of the Union of Right Forces

October 2008 he is appointed an advisor to Anatoly Chubais, the director general of Russian nanotechnology corporation Rusnano

16 November 2008 at the founding conference he was elected co-chairman of the Right Cause political party.


Gozman is an assosiate professor for the social psychology department of the faculty of Psychology of Lomonosov MSU. He authored 8 books, including Psychology of Emotional Relationships (1987) and Political Psychology (1996, together with psycologist Yelena Shestopal)

Gozman is married and has a daughter and a granddaughter.

Source: Wikipedia 


Gozman combined political activity with work for RAO UES of Russia. In early 2000-2002 he was elected to the board of Khabarovskenergo JSC, Dalenergo JSC, Lenenergo JSC. 

Source: RBK, 24 March 2001


In 2003 Gozman ran for the State Duma as a representative of the Union of Right Forces, but the party failed to reach the threshold and Gozman did not become MP. After the defeat party leaders, including Anatoly Chubais, Yegor Gaidar, Boris Nemtsov and Irina Hakamada, resigned from their posts, leaving the presidium of political board to govern the party. In 2004 Gozman became member of the board, responsible for ideological issues. Gozman was pushed through by Chubais who wanted to have the party afloat after the defeat.

Source: Kommersant, 12 February 2004


In 2006 Gozman was the only high-profile politician who publicly supported gay-parade in Moscow. Gozman addressed Cyril, Russian Orthodox metropolitan, with an open letter, saying that “banning gay parade is a threat to the society”.

 Source: Rodnaya gazeta, 22 November 2007


In 2007, Gozman as a candidate at the State Duma elections tried to conceal (from central electoral commission) the income of 448,130,750.85 roubles ($16m) he received from Uralsib Capital LLC.

Source: Antikompromat, 19 November 2007


On 26 September 2008 Belykh said that he retired as the head of the Union of Right Forces once and for all. It emerged the same day that Gozman replaced him. Soon Belykh revealed reasons of his resignation: the Union of Right Forces was very soon to merger in a new party, formed by the Kremlin. “There is no other way to save the party”, Belykh said. “But I don’t want to take part in that affair”. Gozman said that participation in the Kremlin project was “disgusting”, but he accepted the offer to “preserve the Union of Right Forces”.

Source: RIA Novosti, 26 September 2008


In autumn 2009, when the election campaign was in full swing, Gozman asked president of Russia Dmitry Medvedev to sack Moscow mayor Yury Luzhkov, who was no.1 on the party list of the United Russia, in an open letter posted on netlujkovu.ru. On September 22, Luzhkov filed a libel suit againts Gozman and Ren-TV, accusing Gozman of defamation in a statement aired by the channel in July 2009. By turn, Gozman filed a libel suit against Luzhkov, asking Moscow's Tverskoy Court to oblige Luzhkov to pay him Rub642 m ($22.5m), his family's monthly income as reputational indemnity.

Source: Interfax, 29 September 2009


In Autumn 2009 Gozman launched an internet site which gathered signatures in support of resignation of Moscow mayor Yury Luzhkov. After the first day 100,000 people left their signatures, Gozman claimed. The inquiry, organised by Yabloko party, found out that almost all signatures were fake. Unique visitors counter (provided by liveinternet.ru) was just a picture laid upon the true counter: the picture showed 120,000 visitors, while the real number was just 3. Soon after the inquiry liveinternet.ru excluded Gozman's site from its rating.  

Source: Pravda-info, 30 September 2009


In December 2009 Boris Titov resigned as co-chairman of the Right Cause. He said he was not going to leave the party, but resigned due to the conflict with Gozman. Titov considered the Right Cause as the party of middle class, formed to represent its interests, whereas Gozman’s approach was to focus on political activities, not business lobbying.

Source: RBK, 24 December 2009


In May 2011 co-chairmen of the Right Cause Leonid Gozman and Georgy Bovt said to the journalist they would resign as the party leaders. “I have made up my mind. I will not stand for a member of a new political board”. Gozman said he would not leave the party, but did not want to meddle in the business of a new party boss Mikhail Prokhorov.

Source: RIA Novosti, 20 March 2011

Viktor Khristenko - Minister of industry and trade of the Russian Federation


Surname: Khristenko

Name: Viktor

Fathername: Borisovich

Position: Minister of industry and trade of the Russian Federation



Viktor Khristenko (born August 28, 1957, Chelyabinsk) graduated from the engineering and construction works faculty of Chelyabinsk Polytechnic Institute in 1979 with a diploma of construction manager. Aleksandr Pochinok (1990-2000 tax minister, 2000-2004 labour and social care minister) graduated from the same institute.

He worked at the institute as a senior lecturer and an assistant professor. In 1979 he unsuccessfully tried to join the Communist Party. “There were two candidates for one place, but my rival’s father was a party boss”, Khristenko said in the interview with Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper (23 June 1999).

1990-1991 member of Chelyabinsk city council

1991-1996 deputy, first deputy head of the Chelyabinsk Region

March 1997 Yeltsin appointed Khristenko his envoy in the Chelyabinsk Region 

July 1997 deputy finance minister of Russia

April-September 1998 deputy prime-minister in Sergey Kirienko’s cabinet

28 October 1998 first deputy finance minister

May 1999 He was one of two first deputies prime-minister in Sergey Stepashin’s cabinet (Nikolay Aksenenko was the other deputy). He had the same post in first cabinet of Vladimir Putin. 

January 2000 deputy prime-minister in Mikhail Kasyanov’s cabinet

24 February-5 March 2004 He was acting prime-minister after resignation of Mikhail Kasyanov and before Mikhail Fradkov was sworn in. He wasn’t nominated as prime minister.

March 2004 minister of industry and energy in the cabinets of Mikhail Fradkov and Viktor Zubkov

Since 12 May 2008 minister of industry and trade in the second cabinet of Vladimir Putin

11 January 2010 member of governmental commission for economic development and integration


Awards: Order of Merit for the Fatherland 3rd grade (2007), Order of Merit for the Fatherland 4th grade (2006), Grand Officer of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic, Order of Friendship 2nd grade (Kazakhstan, 2002),  Russian Orthodox Church Order of St Daniel of Moscow (2010), Commendation of the President from the Russian Federation.


Khristenko lives in a cottage in Krylatskoye village (Moscow region) in an exclusive neighbourhood called “Fantasy Island”, built in the protected environmental zone Moskvoretsky Park (near Rechnik neighbourhood). He owns a flat of 218.6 square metres.

He met his first wife in the institute in 1979. They had 3 children: Yulya, Vladimir and Angelina. In 2003 he married Tatyana Golikova, social care minister.





During the 1996 presidential elections Khristenko worked as the head of Yeltsin’s campaign staff in the Chelyabinsk Region in close association with Yevgeny Minchenko, head of New Image PR agency. They used power of local government to put the media under control of the Yeltsin’s campaign staff: regional newspapers, radio, TV stations (including commercial) were loyal to the president. As a result, in the Chelyabinsk Region Yeltsin won more votes than average. Khristenko was awarded commendation from the president. 

Source: Moskovskiye novosti, 26 February 2004


In 1996 Khristenko authored a leaflet titled “In search of vanished deposits”, published in 10,000 copies in the Chelyabinsk region. This leaflet was a manual for people, who lost there money in the financial pyramids, and contained regulations and legislative acts. According to the reports, the Foundation for Protection of Investors (founded by Khristneko) spent 50m roubles of state funds to published the leaflet. 20m proceeds from selling the leaflet never reached the accounts of foundation. It turned out after the audit that more than a half of 670m roubles, which the state allocated for the foundation to compensate the victims of the scams for the loss of money, disappeared. Because of that governmental officials nicknamed Khristenko Alchen the Bashful Chiseller («His whole being protested against stealing,  yet it  was impossible for  him not to  steal.  He  stole and was ashamed  of  himself … and she used to call him Alchen» from Ilf and Petroff. The twelve chairs).

Source: Kommersant, 08 June 1999


In April 1998 Sergey Kirienko appointed Khristenko as a deputy prime-minister, responsible for Russian finance. But his activities were not successful. International  financial institution, such as IMF or IBDR refused to negotiate with Khristenko due to his “incompetence”. Anatoly Chubais was charged with carring out the talks.

Source: APN, 31 May 1999


On August 21, 2002, member of the State Duma Vladimir Golovlev was killed while walking his dog in the Pyatnitskoye Highway. Rumour has it that he was murdered after revealing the name of Khristenko under interrogation in the Chelyabinsk Prosecutor’s office about privatization scams.

Source: Izvestiya, 17 October 2002


According to the reports, Golovlev helped Ventspilis port (Latvia) increase the volumes of Russian oil transit. Through the mediation of Viktor Khristenko and his governmental commission, he allegedly «brought» additional 3m tonns of oil to the port.  

Source: Moskovsky Komsomolets, 29 March 2003


At a private discussion in 2004, captains of Russian metallurgical industry revealed that minister of industry and energy Khristenko controls about 20% of shares of Magnitsky Metallurgical plant. When asked directly if he owned the shares, Khristenko said: “Have a look at my tax return and you will not find the shares”.

Source: Vedomosti, 27 March 2007


In 2004 Khristenko’s daughter Yulya married Yevgeny Bogdanchikov, youngest son of Sergey Bogdanchikov, head of Rosneft  energy firm. In 2004 Yulya worked as a senior expert in the law department of Sevmorneftegaz company (the company is a subsidiary of Gazprom and Rosneft established in 2002; later Gazprom bought 100% stake in the company).

Before the matrimony Yulya Khristenko dated an Artem from Chelyabinsk, but dumped him because he was poor.

Source: Novaya gazeta, 21 January 2008


In 2006 Chelyabinsk Pipe Rolling Plant (ChTPZ) revealed the information that Vladimir Khristenko, 25 year-old-son of energy minister Viktor Khristenko, has been appointed as the chairman of supervisory board of Czech valve producer MSA a.s., first foreign asset of Chelyabinsk Pipe Rolling Plant.

Vladimir Khristenko graduated from Moscow's Higher School of Economics in 2003 and headed analytical service of MeTriS JSC. In 2004 24-year-old Khristenko headed ChTPZ-Complex pipe systems and chaired working group for service and engineering business development.

Source: Kommersant, 4 September 2006


Khristenko Junior was filmed in the video clip, which showed him among nude girls. The clip was a birthday present he made for himself. «I pray my father will not see it. He will not survive the shock», - said Khristenko. Indeed, Viktor Khristenko was disappointed with his son's birthday clip.

Source: Tvoy Den, 22 December 2006


According to the tax declaration, submitted in 2008, Khristenko owned an exclusive apartment in “The Island of Fantasy” village. In 2007 average price of 1 sq. metre of such apartment was $14,000. So the apartment cost RuR80m ($2.5m). According to his tax return, in 2007 he earned RuR 2.153m ($70,000). If he did not pay for food, flat and clothes, he would be able to buy such a flat in 37 years.

Source: Sobesednik, 10 March 2010


In 2009 Lev Khasis, director general of X5 Retail Group, was reported to spend $5m to establish “confidential relationships” with minister Khristenko and his deputy Naumov.

Source: Vokrug Novostey, 8 September 2009

Sergey Snopok - Co-owner of Phaeton petrol stations chain


Surname: Snopok

Name: Sergey

Fathername: Ivanovich

Position: Co-owner of Phaeton petrol stations chain



Sergey Snopok (born July 13, 1966, Borisov, the Minsk Region, Belorussia) graduated from S.M. Mironov Higher Army Command College (1987). He retired as a senior Lieutenant in 1990. In 1994 he graduated from St Petersburg University of Economics and Finance.

Since 1992 he has worked for Phaeton Holding, first - as a general accountant, then - as a finance director and deputy director general.

Since 2002 he has chared the board of directors of Phaeton and holds a position of director general.    

Source: Delovoy Peterburg 





In December 1991 Sergey Snopok and Vladimir Khilchenko established legal-advise firm called Phaeton LLC. Soon the company bought a couple of privatised petrol stations. By the beginning of the 2000s the company grew into a powerful holding, which unites over 20 enterprises. Vladimir Khilchenko was responsible for building new stations, Sergey Snopok - for fuel supply. 

At the beginning of the 2000s Vladimir Khilchenko made controversial attempts to sell the chain of petrol stations first to Yukos, then - to Slavneft. The deal was wrecked by the tax police. The rumour has it that the police acted in the interests of the Tambov criminal group. In 2004 Vladimir Khilchenko and Sergey Snopok devided business: Sergey Snopok got Phaeton, Vladimir Khilchenko got Sozveszdiye holding company (development, wholesaling, transportation etc). 

Source: Ruspres, 3 March 2007 


Since very beginning, Phaeton has been under protection of the mob of Mikhail Mirilashvili (Misha from Kutaisi). When Mirilashvili was put behind the bars, another mobster Andrey Volov (Little Andrey), former comsomol activist from the Krasnogvardeysky district of St Petersburg, ran protection racket for the company.

In July 1999 Volkov was arrested and sentenced almost to life imprisonment. Vladimir Khilchenko and Sergey Snopok did not find protection and had serious problems in 2004.

Source: Nasha Versiya SPb, 7 November 2006 


In 2008 Phaeton holding proposed to equip some cars in St Petersburg’s underground with easy chairs, mini bars and coffee machines. Such cars for VIPs would have been equipped with turnslites. The price for travel would have been from 100 to 1000 euros per month. 

Sourse: Delovoy Peterburg, 8 May 2008 


The beginning of 2008 saw first show of Phaeton's financial instability. The company declined an offer to buy a chain of Czeck petrol station, saying it lacked funds. In May 2009 the company stopped paying out the credits. VTB bank was first to file RuR670m ($23m) non-payment suit. Other banks followed the example. Phaeton owed RuR133m ($4.6m) to UniCredit, RuR152m ($5.3m) to Russia bank, RuR94m ($3.3m) to Uralsib, $2m to Globex, RuR121m ($4.2m) to Svyaz-bank. Soon Phaeton took counter-action. The company, that runs 13 petrol stations in St Petersburg and the Leningrad Region, brought in an Arbitration Court bankruptcy motion. At the same time the motions for non-payment were brought in against Phaeton by two companies, little known before, Oktan and Promtrans.

The court applied the same principle both to unknown companies and federal banks. The Arbitration Court obliged Phaeton-Aero pay Oktan and Promtrans 2.7b roubles ($93m) in damages. Major banks asked the police to interfere. St Petersburg police (the GUVD for St Petersburg and Leningrad Region) opened a criminal investigation into non-payment of duties. The police seized the company's books and the evidence confirmed investigators' darkest suspicions. Oktan and Promtrans were affiliated with Phaeton. Phaeton-Aero, Oktan and Promtrans had one owner Andrey Nosovich. He founded Promtrans and was a head of a security company called Paritet which was part of Phaeton holding. Oktan, the other Phaeton's creditor, was full subsidiary of Phaeton-Aero.

Source: Kompromat.Ru, 16 December 2009 


Phaeton-Aero initiated its own bankruptcy in May 2009. In May 2010 a meeting of creditors established banktrapcy administration. The move was approved by an arbitration court, which gave 1.5 year for the company's financial recovery.  

Following Phaeton-Aero, a number of other companies from the holding initiated bankruptcy proceedings. In August 2010 the court allowed VTB to supervise the activities of the holding. In November 2010 the supervision was established over Phaeton development group in accordance with the company's own wish. At the same time, Phaeton - chain no.1 fuel operator started its bancruptcy. Their duties consisted mainly of the bails, the companies put up to secure loans of Phaeton-Aero

Source: Biznes na prodazhu, 17 January 2011 


In 2010 brothers Snopok guaranteed fully the Sberbank’s loan to the company. The bank made a concession and passed the right to claim RuR1.2b roubles ($43m) duty to Phaeton-chain no.1, subsidiary of Phaeton LLC. The company guaranteed clearance of the debt until November 2010. Other banks did not make concessions to Snopok's companies and filed suits against it. Phaeton-aero fuel company was the first company to go bankrupt.

The agreement with Sberbank allowed the brothers to influence decisions of a meeting of creditors. They established bankruptcy administration, despite the wish of the banks to sell off the assets and liquidation of the company. But after the suit filed by Sberbank,external controller began the bankruptcy proceedings.

Source: Delovoy Peterburg, 24 January 2011 


In January 2011, Elena Snopok filed a lawsuit against both her husband, the director general of Phoeton Company Mikhail Snopok and Sberbank in St Petersburg’s Vasileostrovsky Court. Snopok asks court to nullify personal guarantee of her husband, who secured 1.2b ($43m) roubles loan of Sberbank. Her appeal came short after Sberbank filed 8 motions in the same court against Phaeton and his owners Sergey Snopok (99%) and Mikhail Snopok (1%) for non-payment of duties.

Sergey Snopok,  core owner of Phaeton holding, said that Phaeton-Aero refusal to pay off debts has nothing to do with the suits of Sberbank.

Source: Delovoy Peterburg, 1 February 2011 

Vladimir Ryzhkov - Co-chairman of the Party of People's Freedom


Surname: Ryzhkov

Name: Vladimir

Fathername: Aleksandrovich

Position: Co-chairman of the Party of People's Freedom



Vladimir Ryzhkov was born on September 3, 1966, in the town of Rubtsovsk in the Altai Region.

In 1983 he finished Barnaul’s secondary school no.42 and entered the faculty of history of Altai State University.

In 1985—1987 after having finished his second year at University, he was enrolled in the army and served in communication troops in the environs of Novosibirsk. He retired from the army on May 15, 1987 as a senior sergent, deputy platoon commander of the signal company. As a student he became a political activist and by the end of the 80s he was one of the leaders of democratic movement. Having received his diploma, he was invited to give lectures at the world's history department of Altai State University.

1991 — secretary of the Altai Region administration, deputy head of the region. He was responsible for personnel policy, cooperation with municipal bodies and political parties, PR and welfare system.

In December 1993 he was elected the deputy of the State Duma of 1st Convocation. He was a deputy chairman of the regional policy committee.

In December 1995 he was reelected as a deputy of State Duma of the 2nd Convocation.

In 1997 supported by all factions in the Duma, he was elected the first deputy speaker.

In 1999 he headed the faction called Our Home is Russia (NDR)

On December 19, 1999 he was reelected the deputy of the Duma, representing Barnaul constituency no.34.

1996-1997 deputy head of the reginal policy partiamentary committee and member of trilateral (government — Council of Federation — State Duma) commission for budget policy.

On December 7, 2003 he was reelected the deputy of the State Duma. He received 35.1% support of voters in his Barnaul constituency.

In 2000 he became a PhD.

In 2005 he became one of the leaders of the Republican party, in 2006 he headed the party which was disbanded by the Supreme Court.



Medal for Distinguished Military Service


Ryzhkov holds a PhD in history (2000), he is an expert for Moscow’s School of Political Studies. He is on board of trustees of Federation for Internet Education and the State Tretyakov Gallery. Since 1996 he has been a WEF regular. He was initiator of economic forum in Belokurikha (Siberian Davos) and forum on politics in Barnaul and Altai Republic. He is a coordinator of public committee «Russia in United Europe», and a member of the presidium of  Council for Foreign Defence and Policy NOG.    

He is married and has a daughter.

Source: Wikipedia 



When in 1995 Ryzhkov became a chief ideologist of “Our Home is Russia” movement, Viktor Chernomyrdin can’t help doting upon young and intelligent activist. The disapointing thing was that Ruzhkov liked to bend the elbow in the afternoon and did not conceal his weakness for booze. When he was asked face-to-face about samogon (moonshine), he did not pretend and said ernestly he prefered manufactured vodka rather than home-distilled samogon.

Source: yoki.ru, 16 November 2005 


On December 19, 1999 Ryzhkov was elected deputy of the State Duma of the 3rd Convocation. Soon after the poll, he, along with Vikor Chernomyrdin, the leader of “Our Home is Russia” movement, joined pro-president “Edinstvo” faction but refused to join the party. Moreover, Ryzhkov approved none of presidential bills (he abstained in the vote, despite the solidary vote decision made by the faction). As a result Ryzhkov was excluded, becoming an independent deputy. Boris Gryzlov who headed Edinstvo explained Ryzhkov's expulsion by «seroius disagreements» between the deputy and the faction.    

Source: Vremya Novostey, 5 July 2000 


In May 2003 Ryzhkov critisized presidential state of nation adress to both chambers of the parliament. He said the president speech was «confused and incoherent», the analys of problems — «dishonest». Ryzhkov expressed indignation with the president, because he did not name neither terrorism, no corruption among national promblems. Ryzhkov also critisized Vladimir Putin's policy. He said that the achievements of recent years may result from favourable conditions, not from ability of governing elite to run the country.

Source: Vedomosti, 19 May 2003 


According to the reports, which appeared in 2003,“Committee 2008” was formed to “draw” funds of Mikhail Khodorkovsky. The aim of umbrella organization, established on pretext of uniting democratic forces against president Putin, was to milk fugitive oligarchs (Boris Berezovsky) and Western foundations, such as Soros Foundation. The analysts said it was Vladimir Ryzhkov who came up with this brilliant idea. Leonid Nevzlin, authorized by Mikhail Khodorkovsky, gave a huge sums to liberals to sponsor their “fight” against Putin’s regime. According to some sources, Nevzlin provided opposition with a few hundred millions and promised to give more.

Source: Компромат.Ru, 08.04.2005 


In November 2003 Ryzhkov made a statement of support for Leonid Nevzlin, a co-owner of Yukos oil company. After Nevzlin retired from the position of rector of Russian State University for Humanities, Ryzhkov said that the authorities led a campaign against the owners of Yukos.

Source: Vedomosti, 18 November 2003; Gazeta.ru, 21 November 2005 


In December 2004 Ryzhkov, Grigory Yavlinsky, Irina Hakamada, Gennady Zyuganov, Segey Glazyev were titled “betrayers of public interests” by the activists of youth movement called Idyshiye Vmeste (Going Together). There were also Boris Berezovsky, the oligarch who fled in Great Britain, Aslan Maskhadov, president of self-proclaimed republic of Ichkeria, and Andrey Vlasov, the general of the Great Patriotic War who collaborated with the Nazi, on the list of betrayers. 

Source: Kommersant, 21 February 2005 


In the general elections of 2 December 2007 the Union of Right Forces received just 0.96% of votes - the result that can be described as utter defeat. Later, a user posted the following message on allpolit.ru forum in the section about the Republican Party: “This active deputy must pay his workers! I have waited for 4 month. He is dead to shame and has no conscience”. She said she could not bring suit against him, because the salary was paid in black money that is why she could prove nothing to the court. “I hope he is an honest man … Mr Ryzhkov”. She added that about 10 people have the same problem.

Source: Dni.Ru, 5 March 2007 


In 2005 Ryzhkov joined the Republican Party and became the member of the party’s political council. At the beginning of 2006 he was elected co-chairman of the Republican Party of the Russian Federation. In March 2007 the party was disbanded by the decision of the Supreme Court. 5 years later in April 2011 the European Court of Human Rights overturned the decision. Ryzhkov told journalists he was considering having the registration reinstanced.

Source: Ekho Moskvi, 12 March 2011 


On September 16, 2010, Ryzhkov, Mikhail Kasyanov, Boris Nemtsov and Vladimir Milov established the political coalition called “Russia without lawlessness and corruption”. On the basis of the coalition they planned to establish a political party and run for presidential and parliamentary elections. The party was established in December 2010. It was called the Party of People’s Freedom (for Russia without lawlessness and corruption). At the founding conference of the party Kasyanov, Milov, Nemtsov and Ryzhkov were elected co-chairmen of the party, which the media called PARNAS.

Source: Kommersant, 7 February 2011 


On May 23, 2011, Vladimir Ryzhkov told journalists that the Party of People’s Freedom filed documents for registration in the Ministry of Justice. The ministry said they had not received documents.

According to Ryzhkov, more than 46 thousand people and more than 50 regional organization joined the party. “We fulfiled the requirements of the law”, he said.

The party’s leaders — Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Milov, Vladimir Ryzhkov and Mikhail Kasyanov — announced forming a new party last year. They planned to pass registration in May and in summer 2011 to make a nomination for the presidential run.

Source: Fontanka.ru, 23 May 2011