среда, 27 апреля 2011 г.

End of Chechen mafia "wise guy"


Presnensky district investigative department in the chief directorate of the Moscow branch of the Investigative Committee has terminated criminal investigation into the kidnapping of Movladi (Ruslan) Atlangeriyev, a thief-in-law (high ranking criminal boss who is considered by other mobsters as having authority to settle conflicts between criminal groups) and FSB double agent. The investigation stopped due to «inability to identify an individual liable to the criminal prosecution». However it is no secret for the domestic security agents that Atlangeriyev was snatched in Moscow by Chechens,  who moved him in the Chechen Republic just to kill this remarkable organised crime kingpin. He began his career in the 70s with burglaries at rich students' flats, in the 80s he was involved in the violences of the gangsters' wars in Moscow, in the 90s he helped Boris Berezovsky build up his business empire and in the 2000s he cooperated with the FSB while the agency was carring out its operations to detain and annihilate the key figures in the Chechen militant groups.

Moscow's bloodiest gang

Movladi Atlangeriyev (friends and relatives called him Ruslan) was born on June 16, 1954 in Karaganda in Kazakh SSR in the family of IDPs from Chechnya. In 1951 another child was born in a Chechen family in Karaganda - future president of the Chechen Republic Akhmad-Khadzhi Kadyrov. Kadyrov and Atlangeriyev were childhood friends. After their son finished school the well-to-do Atlangeriyevs sent him to Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy. At the same time Ruslan's peer Khozh-Akhmed Nukhaev (Khozh), born to an IDP in Kirgiz SSR, went to another high school in the capital - Moscow State University. Very soon young people became friends. Both were Chechens, both were pleasure seekers: they enjoyed tailored suits, restaurants and foreign cars. But this way of live was very hard to follow in the Soviet Union in the 70s.     

Chechens left university just to learn criminal trade. Their first targets were foreign students from Africa and Arab world who profited from illegal currency exchange and merchandise smuggling. Their flats got robbed while criminals easily avoided punishment because the victims were reluctant to report the police (profiteers were severely prosecuted in the USSR).   

Former FSB agent Aleksandr Litvinenko (poisoned in London in 2006) told the author that since as early as the 70s Atlangeriyev and Nukhayev had cooperated with the KGB where they received tip-offs about the foreigners.  However at the beginning of the 80s Chechens robbed a «wrong» student whose parents held important positions in their country. Eventually Ruslan and Khozh were detained and found guilty of the break-ins and fraud. Doing their terms, they permanently violated prison discipline and got into scuffles which made them respected in the underworld. Atlangeriyev and Nukhaev were released in 1988 in the «heydays» of perestroika when first criminal groups cropped up in Moscow.  


Maxim Lazovsky

By that time the Chechen groups in Moscow were still disorganized. Their leaders were: Nikolay Suleymanov (Khoza), Lecha Altamirov (Lecha Lusy - Lecha the Boldheaded), Mussa Talarov (Starik - the Old Man), Lecha Islamov (Boroda - the Bearded), Mustafa Shidaev and Balaudi Tekilov (Malysh - the Baby). The bands controlled mainly car-dealing and hotels and severely competed with mighty Slavonic groups: Orehkovskaya, Baumanskaya, Lyuberetskya, Balashikhinskaya and Orekhovskaya groups. Sometimes the gangsters substituted for official authorities in the cities. Their growth could not go unnoticed by the KGB. According to Litvinenko, the security agents decided to form alternative power in the underworld. Atlangeriyev and Nukhaev were ready to help.     

Within the shortest time disorganised group were united into Lozanskaya group. It was named after a Moscow restaurant, the group used as the headquarters -  «Lozanya» (Lasagna). The group became «respected» when Atlangeriev and Nukhaev invited two influencial underworld bosses - thieves-in-law Gennady Lobzhanidze (Gena Shram - Gena the Scarred) and Tengiz Marianoshvili - to be the group's overseers. The KGB also infiltrated its agent Grozny-born Maksim Lazovsky (Khromoy - the Lame) in the group. Within a single year Lozanskaya gang grew into the most influential organised crime group. 

They controlled all Berezka shops (chain of outlets which sold expensive food and merchandise for currency or special bonds), car market, all commercial enterprises in five districts of the capital, the majority of Moscow hotels and petrol stations. With rivals from the Slavonic gangs they dealt shortly and violently. For instance, when in 1988 the conflict emerged between the leaders Baumanskaya and Lozanskaya group, 30 Chechen bandits broke into Labirinth Restaurant in Kalininsky Prospect and stabbed 15-20 Slavonic brigade commanders. Ruslan and Khoza themselves took part in the stabbing. After that, Baumanskaya group gangsters did not mess with Lozanskaya group. Another bloody showdown took place in front of Atrium café in Leninsky Prospect, where Lyuberetskaya group fought with knieves against Chechen gangters.   

Alleged portrait Movladi Atlangerieva

The assets in the South-Westen district of Moscow became the subject of conflict between Solntsevskaya and Lozanskaya groups. The violence grew rampant. But then the thieves-in-law stepped in and the conflict was settled by distributing objects between competing gangs. However this case was exceptional, because the Lozanskaya gang did obey only certain thieves-in-law. For example, once a group of gangsters led by thief-in-law Zakhary Kalashov who had power to settle conflicts tried to negotiate with Chechen bandits and Khoza. It resulted into stabbing, when the Chechens rushed to the attack.  

Within a little more than a year Lozanskaya group annihilated more than a score of the leaders of different organised crime groups. They gained reputation of uncompromising tough guys, which no one dared to challenge. By 1990 all the Chechens became billionares.

Berezovsky's racketeers

All these events coincided with nationalistic and separatist movement in Chechnya. The gang leaders who were very influencial in the republic actively spurred the processes. Taking over the whole independent country was lucrative perspective.

Late in 1990 the national congress of the Chechen people elected general Dudaev as the republic's leader. The Kremlin wrongfully expected him being loyal. In spring 1991 supported by all forces in the republic and backed by Lozanskaya group funds he demanded to dismiss the Supreme Council (parliament) of Chechen-Ingush Autonomus SSR. After the August Putsch he seized power in the republic and proclaimed independence of Chechnya which meant the republic was no longer part of Russia. This met enthusiastic support of the Lozanskaya group.  

However the majority of its member had already been put behind bars. In 1990 special agencies realised that they had lost control over the group. The operation was carried out to catch all the leaders. KGB agent Maksim Lazovsky, Mastafa Shidayev, Balaudi Tekilov, Nikolay Suleymanov, Lechi Islamov, Gennady Lobzhanidze, Ruslan Atlangeriyev and Khozh-Akhmed Nukhaev were arrested on chargers of extortions and drug dealing. The charges of extortion were brought in against the latest three - they extorted money from a Dashyants, a sausage factory director. They were found guilty by Moscow's Zamoskvoretsky court and sentenced to 8 years of the prison camp.


Nikolai Suleimanov named Hoza

However they did not do the whole terms and their imprisonment did not last long. The most striking example of how bandits set themselves free is Khozh-Akhmed Nukhaev. He was sent to the camp in Khabarovsky Region. In November 1991 the squad of militia from Grozny arrived to the camp. They had documents, according to which, Chechen militia had initiated criminal proceedings against him, that is why he had to be moved to Chechnya. In independent republic he was set free. The Supreme Court of the republic canceled the guilty verdict and very soon Khozh became close ally of Dudayev.

Sooner or later the leaders of Lozanskaya group were released, although they had different fate.

Nikolay Suleymanov spent 2 years in prison, then he was released and went to Chechnya where he allied himself with Ruslan Labazanov, a separatist field commander (supported by the federal domestic security forces because he was Dudayev's opponent inside the republic). Khoza was wounded in the fight between Labazanov and Dudayev militants and taken prisoner. Khozh and Ruslan made every effort to set him free. He was released and came back to Moscow, where in 1995 he was shot. A year before killers eliminated Gennady Lobzhanidze.   

During their short terms Atlangeriyev and Islamov were crowned thieves-in-law. They returned to Moscow, where they maintained close-ties with self-proclaimed Chechen government and their associate Nukhayev.

The 1990s became golden age for Lozanskaya group. The group members were involved in the scheme with forged remitting advice letters of the Central Bank. They used money to acquire oil assets and to seize control over a part of Novorossiysk sea terminal. They also cooperated with businessman Boris Berezovsky, who had been their partner since the end of 1980s when he had been a car dealer and sold the automobiles through the firms controlled by the gangsters. Eventually Ruslan and Khozha began to run protection racket for Berezovsky. They helped Berezovsky to protect himself against the organised crime group which threatened AvtoVAZ. Berezovsky not only payed them money but also appointed brigade commander Magomed Ismailov a head of his security service. Nukhaev and Atlangeriyev received a large stake in the Saint Petersburg branch of LogoVaz.    

When in 1994 the oligarch formed his Automobile All-Russia Alliance. This company was «done out» of a billion roubles by the Orekhovskaya criminal group, led by Sergey Timofeyev (Silvestr). The conflict emerged between Berezovsky and Silvestr and there had been an attempt to assassinate the oligarch. Lozanskaya group stepped in and very soon Timofeyev returned money and the issue was settled. Nukhayev actively developed oil assets. He formed Lanako company, which sold fuel. The company was headed by FSB agent Maksim Lazovsky.

Criminal bosses become battle-field generals

Before the First Chechen War, at the end of 1994 all leaders of Lozanskaya group maintained close ties both with the separatists' leaders and Russian security agencies. Lecha Islamov, Balaudi Tekilov and Khozh-Akhmed Nukhayev supported the separatist while Ruslan Atlangeriyev and Mustafa Shidaev supported the FSK (federal counter-intelligence service - future FSB of Russia). The security agencies were falling apart and they had no reliable scheme to work with Chechen criminal bosses (sometimes it was pure cooperation in order to settle business issues). Rarely Chechen mobsters and the agents of security forces carried out operations of very shady character. 

Khoj-Akhmed Nukhayev

For instance, on November 18, 1994, Andrey Shchelenkov, a Lanako's employee, died trying to set up a bomb on the bridge over the Yauza River. On December 17, 1994, there was an explosion in the trolley bus in Moscow (luckily no one was seriously wounded). Two years later Maksim Lazovsky and Aleksey Yumashkin, a Moscow's FSK agent, were arrested on charges of committing this crimes. 6 other security agents were under suspicion.

The FSK claimed Lazovsky organised terrorist attacks following Dudayev's orders. These orders were received through Nukhayev, whereas Yumashkin was infiltrated in Lazovsky's band as a secret agent. According to Aleksandr Litvinenko, the attack was organised by the security forces which wanted to have their hands untied to begin war in Chechnya. In any case, the court acquitted Yumashkin and Lazovsky.  

When the situation in Chechnya became grieve, the security agencies decided to drive Lozanskaya group members into a corner. Ruslan Atlangeriyev was arrested on drug dealing, and Lecha Islamov - on the extortion (he extorted money from an Afganistan businessman). But very soon both were released. Boroda immediately went to Chechnya and later was put on federal wanted list.

When the First Chechen War began, the Lozanskaya group members fought on the separatists' side: Lecha Islamov became a deputy commander of the South-Western Forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Kozh-Akhmed Nukhayev headed the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ichkeria (in 1995) and Balaudi Tekilov became Salman Raduyev's field commander. When in 1996 Dzhokhar Dudayev was liquidated,  Khozh-Akhmed Nukhayev was appointed fire vice-premier in Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev's government. When Aslan Maskhadov seized power in Chechnya, Khozha moved to Azerbaldzhan.

He invested money from car and oil assets into different projects in Azerbaldzhan and Turkey. As a results he posesses slightly less than a half of Baku and numerous objects in Turkey. In the west he gained a reputation of loyal Maskhadov's companion-in-arms, but in fact Maskhadov disliked him, the same feelings he had towards other Lozanskaya group members.

In 1996-1997 the FSB found relyable relationship scheme in the relationship with Lozanskaya gang. The security officers pretended they did not notice the gang's criminal activities (including a group of killers led by Lom-Ali Gaytukayev), whereas the mobsters gave maximum support in special operations and political games with Chechen leaders.


Attempt to kill the president


First new cooperation experiments of the lozanskaya criminal group and the FSB were accidentally revealed by the prosecutor's office of Vladimir region that was investigating the murder of the football club Spartak head, Larisa Nechayeva.


According to the investigators, on June, 14, 1997 after the football game was over, Larissa Nechaeva, her brother Georgy Sorokin, her closest friend Zoya Rudzate, and a good friend, State Customs Committee general, went to spend some time in the village of Taratino in Vladimir region. Suddenly, two unknown men broke into the house. Rudzate was shot in the head, Nechaeva was first shot in the abdomen and then finished off in the back of her head, and Sorokin was shot in the throat. Despite this, the man managed to crawl 40 metres to the banya (a Russian steam bath) and wake up the customs general. He rushed to a nearby cottage where the administrator of Spartak, Alexander Haji, lived. Haji called an ambulance and the police.

Soon the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor's Office announced that the crime had been committed by drug addicts from the Moscow region, Alexey Zdor and Vladimir Tenashvili, and that they only aimed to rob the house. They had escaped and were put on the police wanted list. However, the thorough Vladimir investigators questioned this version. They found that the so-called addicts were actually members of a Moscow region criminal group that had connections in law enforcement agencies.


Moreover, Zdor and Tenashvili were involved with lozanskaya criminal group. After the murder they fled to the Chechnya republic through the Krasnodar region. The investigation also revealed that at the time the lozanskaya criminal group was directly related to Spartak.


The heads of the football club, Yuri Zavarzin and Gregory Yesaulenko, also owned one of the first private Moscow restaurants Razgulyay. Since the late 1980s Razgulay has been the favorite gathering spot for criminal dons. Atlangeriyev was among its frequent guests. He met Zavarzin and Yesaulenko and decided to use Spartak for his business. Ruslan made his brother Turpal Ali Atlangeriyev responsible for all the finance.


As a result, lozanskaya criminal group began to produce a soft drink Spartak-Cola, established a real estate agency under the auspices of the football club, and was going to set up a network of gas stations named Spartak.  Oleg Romantsev, Spartak co-owner and head coach of the team, trusted Yesaulenko and Zavarzin completely but from time to time he had fits of suspicion that people around him were making a fool of him. During one of such fits Romantsev invited Larissa Nechaeva to fill the post of head of Spartak. The businesswoman did not like all the projects with lozanskaya criminal group. She started to convince Romantsev to end the projects immediately. She fired one of the Atlangeriyevy’s representatives from an administrative position at the club. As a result, Nechaeva was murdered.


As soon it was as possible, in 2001, despite protests from representatives of the Federal Security Service, Vladimir investigators followed Zdor and Tenashvili to Chechnya. There they questioned numerous witnesses, raised the archives of the Ministry of Shariah State Security, and found that after the murder of Nechaeva Moscow region killers settled in Gudermes, unspoken Atlangeriyev’s fiefdom.


In summer 1998 the FSB proposed Ruslan to assist in the elimination of Aslan Maskhadov. As the death of the third president of Chechnya was also in line with lozanskaya criminal group interests, the group agreed, but for unknown reasons mandated Zdor and Tenashvili to carry out the murder. On July, 23, 1998, when the presidential motorcade drove through the centre of Grozny, a car parked beside the road exploded. Despite the fact that the Maskhadov‘s Chevrolet was armored, it was badly damaged and it burst into flames. The president of Ichkeria miraculously escaped death. He only got scratches and cuts, but only due to the fact that the bodyguard sitting next to him took the main blow on himself.


Tenashvili was immediately arrested and executed by the Ministry of Shariah State Security officers. Zdor managed to hide in Gudermes at his patrons’. But soon they received an order to eliminate the witness.




Mafia serves state security of Russia


Up until 1999 lozanskaya criminal group continued to build its relationship with the FSB on the principle of "if it is to our benefit, we will help. If not, go to hell." Events connected to Balaudi Tequilov and Lechy Islamov were especially interesting. By 1997 Balaudi Tequilov, a.k.a. Malysh, was one of the commanders of raduevskaya General Dudayev’s Army, and Lechy Islamov, a.k.a. Boroda, was general of a brigade, commander of Special Forces named after Sheikh Mansur.


In 1997 Boroda’s troops captured Anatoly Shapkin and Aslanbek Shortanov, two officers of the North Caucasus RUOP. Representatives of the FSB asked Islamov to free the hostages. However, this would not bring him any profit, so the criminal ignored the security officers. Then they turned for help to Balaudi Tequilov. But Malysh also would not do it for nothing. Only after receiving a large sum of money did he drink the guards and free the captured RUOP officers.


In late 1997 another curious story occurred with Tequilov. “In December 1997 there was an announcement that members of the commission for prisoners exchange would come from Chechnya, which the Kremlin then flirted with,” said a former employee of the GUBOP Interior Ministry to a Russian Mafia correspondent (rumafia.com).  “I was in the office at the Sadivo-Spasskaya Street when I heard a delegation walking up the hallway. The door opened and the head of this committee in his dress uniform with a gun and so on, appeared in the doorway. He asked me boldly how long they had to wait and how long it was until someone was there to meet them. The voice was familiar. I looked closer and saw that it was Balaudi Tequilov whom I had been trying to catch for a long time and who was wanted for extortion. To check it I said "Hello, Malysh." I saw his face change. I quickly had him on the floor, took away the gun and handcuffed him. A big fuss broke out. "


A year later President Boris Yeltsin signed a decree to pardon Malysh. In return, the Chechen militants agreed to free a representative of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees in the North Caucasus, Vincent Cochetel.


Tequilov and Islamov served as the main mediators between security forces and militants when high-profile hostages were let free. Huge ransom accompanied the process, with a share of the money going to the lozanskaya criminal group and some security officials. Boris Berezovsky was also involved in the business. The magnate supplied the militants with money through the lozanskaya criminal group, and helped with international activities. In exchange for his assistance they arranged him a number of PR campaigns thanks to which Berezovsky was internationally recognized as a heavy-weighted politician and even as a peacemaker. It is due to the efforts of the magnet’s accomplices from the lozanskaya criminal group that in 1998 Berezovsky "freed" British citizens Camilla Carr and Joe James from Chechen captivity. Without this frame-up the businessman would hardly be able to feel so confident in London.


FSB managed to have tight grip over lozanskaya criminal group only in 1999 when Vice-Admiral Herman Ugryumov, who later headed regional operational headquarters in the North Caucasus, was appointed the first deputy head of the FSB 2nd Department, responsible for protection of constitutional order and combating against terrorism. All his colleagues call Ugryumov a heaven-born counter-intelligence officer. The game of "we will help, if we want to" was unacceptable to him. In fact, he delivered the Chechen kingpins an ultimatum “either you are either with us, or against us”.


Ruslan Atlangeriyev and Mustafa Shidaev agreed to be completely loyal to the Federal Security Service. The rest were up for hard luck. Khoj-Akhmed Nukhayev was put on the wanted list for involvement in criminal groups. He is allowed to come to Moscow only when the authorities want him involved in some kind of activities, usually for "showing off" before Western colleagues. In April 2000 Maxim Lazovsky was shot by unknown people in the Odintsovo district in Moscow region. Also in 2000 FSB officers invited Lechy Islamov to a meeting in Chechnya. There he was arrested and sent to remand prison. Boroda was charged with extorting money from an Afghan businessman in early 1990s and the abduction of the North Caucasus RUOP officers. He was sentenced to nine years of incarceration.


When put in the cell, Islamov proved more cooperative. When a significant person was kidnapped in Chechnya, Boroda from prison wrote a letter to his former accomplices demanding to release the prisoner. Sometimes it helped. For instance, the militants seized the head of the Samara branch of the Congress of Soviet Women, Svetlana Kuznetsova. The kingpin wrote a note "Let go of the woman, you scums." Soon Kuznetsova was released.


But gradually the resource of Boroda exhausted. In April 2004 he died in prison from unknown substance poisoning. Death occurred almost immediately after Islamov drank tea with an FSB officer who came as a visitor.


As for Balaudi Tequilov, in 2001 he was found on the outskirts of Grozny with his throat slit.


Thus, all the so to say inconvenient FSB agents were dead. But the convenient Atlangeriyev played a huge role in establishing the Kremlin-controlled government in Chechnya. When in 1999 it became obvious that another war could not be avoided, intelligence agencies began looking for a candidate to become president of the republic. And such a candidate was offered by Ruslan. He offered his childhood friend, Ahmad- Hadji Kadyrov. At that time, he was a Chechen mufti and an opponent to Aslan Maskhadov.


As a person close to Atlangeriyev told Russian mafia reporters, the first meeting of Herman Ugryumov, Kremlin representatives, and Kadyrov took place in Ruslan’s apartment in Minsk. The candidate was approved. Then a pretext to launch the military operation in Chechnya came about. Militants invaded neighboring Dagestan. Kadyrov and Atlangeriyev actively participated in the fighting on the side of federal forces. So, when Russian troops cordoned off Gudermes with entrenched militants, the thief in law and the mufti had a brief conversation with the militants, his former allies. The militants left the town without firing a shot.


In March 2000 Ruslan Atlangeriyev invited the militants’ commander, Salman Raduyev, who then had certain influence, to go to Saudi Arabia and meet with Khoj-Akhmed Nukhayev to settle their conflict and to discuss further funding issues. In accordance with the settled plan, Raduyev arrived in one of the villages, let his guards go, shaved off his beard, and waited for the arrival of the lozanskaya criminal group. Instead, Russian Federation FSB officers broke into the house… In 2002 Raduyev died of some mysterious disease in the prison, where he was serving a life sentence.


In October 2000 Ruslan Atlangeriyev offered Turpal Ali Atgeriev, Maskhadov’s right hand and the minister of state security in Chechnya, a trip to Dagestan for negotiations with Herman Ugryumov. On his arrival in Makhachkala Atgeriev was immediately arrested by the FSB. In August 2002 he also died in prison of unknown ailment.


For these successful operations Atlangeriyev was awarded several medals, a personal firearm with an inscription, and, according to some reports, even got the rank of colonel. When appointed head of Chechnya, Akhmad-Hadji Kadyrov believed that he owed something to Ruslan. The thief in law enjoyed great influence in the republic. In Moscow, everything went well for him as well. Ruslan had the support of FSB and in the criminal world he acted as an arbitrator. However, all this did not last long.


On May, 30, 2001 Herman Ugryumov was awarded the rank of admiral. This event was widely celebrated in the Russian military headquarters in Khankala. The next morning Ugrumov died in his office from a heart attack. Three years later, on May, 9, 2004, Ahmad-Hadji Kadyrov died in the explosion at a stadium in Grozny.


After this Atlangeriyev’s status both in Moscow and in Chechnya quickly weakened. FSB needed his services less and less. The last joint operation of the lozanskaya criminal group and security agencies was the elimination of the most notorious Chechen separatist leader Shamil Basayev. Chechen leaders and in particular Lom-Ali Gaytukaev offered him to buy a batch of weapons. Since this was not the first deal between them, Basayev was not suspicious. Security forces placed a number of powerful bombs in the truck with machine guns and grenade launchers. When in July 2006 Basayev began to inspect the purchased firearms, and he always did it himself, a powerful explosion blasted.




Kadyrov sent a KGB agent to shepherd


By this time the ruling elite in Chechnya had changed completely. The official president was Alu Alkhanov but nobody in the republic really reckoned with him as they all knew that the Kremlin was about to replace him with Ramzan Kadyrov, son of Ahmad- Hadji. But Ruslan Atlangeriyev, who enjoyed great influence in the republic, did not consider Ramzan equal to himself and treated him as a junior partner.


The thief in law consistently told Kadyrov junior what to do. Atlangeriyev suppressed all Ramzan’s attempts to get a share of Chechen criminal groups and businessmen operating in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Ruslan repeatedly made it clear to Kadyrov Jr. that Kadyrov’s father owed him and that the debtor’s son should obey to the kingpin. Ramzan did not like that, especially the mention about the debt of his father. He put up with it for a while but was not going to let the kingpin get away with it.


Back in May 2006 in Moscow Mustafa Shidaev, who stood up for the businessman up for tribute to Kadyrov's men, was shot. At the same time an opponent of Kadyrov, commander of a special squad Gorets (Russian for highlander), Movladi Baisarov, was eliminated in Moscow.


 In 2007 Ramzan finally became the president of Chechnya. And a year later he finally "repaid all the debts."


In February 2008 Atlangeriyev received a call and an invitation to meet from Suleiman Geremeyev (now a member of the Federation Council, and then just a cousin of the close Kadyrov’s associate, Adam Delimkhanov). Unsuspecting Ruslan and his driver came to the restaurant Karetny Dvor in Moscow. There Geremeyev and several other people beat Atlangeriyev, forced him into a car with special permit and took him to Chechnya.


In the republic Ramzan personally tried to explain to the thief in law who was in charge in Chechnya. Ruslan was required to announce his associates that he recognized Kadyrov as unquestioned leader, and that the kingpin would from now on be the junior partner. Several times Atlangeriyev was brought to other reputable people, who were suppressed by Ramzan. They tried to persuade Ruslan to recognize the leadership of Kadyrov. At the same time people close to the president of Chechnya were confident that sooner or later lozanskaya criminal group would surrender. His relatives heard sarcastic remarks like "He will just shepherd here for us for a while, and then he will come back to you." But it was all in vain.


The criminal old dog did not give up. Then, according to one source, angry Kadyrov’s men shot the recalcitrant criminal don. According to other sources, the man died himself unable to withstand all the abuse.


Khoj-Akhmed Nukhayev, unlike most of the lozanskaya criminal group leaders is still alive. Since 1996 he tried to build a political career in the West posing as an ardent fighter against the regime of the USSR and Russia. Khoja said to foreigners that he received his first criminal record not for attacks on students, but for the underground struggle against the Soviets. Then he helped businessmen including Berezovsky, and sometimes he had to act tough, but only in within the political struggle with the regime. Khoja spent raised money exclusively on promoting the independence of Chechnya.


People in the West easily believed in those stories and took Nukhayev for a dissident. As a dissident he met with foreign politicians and was interviewed by reporters. Paul Klebnikov, the American journalist who was gathering information about Boris Berezovsky was among the interviewers. They held several meetings in Baku. In 2000 Klebnikov published a book about the magnate called Godfather of the Kremlin: Boris Berezovsky and the looting of Russia.  However, Khlebnikov use did not almost any of the information provided by Nukhayev.


Soon Nukhayev began calling himself a "representative of the legitimate Chechen authorities." As a representative he even met with Margaret Thatcher and Zbigniew Brzezinski.


And in 2003 a former employee of the Presidential Security Service of the Russian Federation, Valery Streletsky, who owns the publishing house Detective Press, gave an assignment to Khlebnikov to prepare a book on Nukhayev. In the book "Conversation with a barbarian" includes all statements by Nukhayev in which he claimed himself to be almost the main authority in Moscow. The book also reflected detailed stories about in what cases a person can and should be killed and a statement of the radical Islamist views. All this had commentaries of RUBOP officers who investigated lozanskaya criminal group’s activities, making Khoja a common creep.


Nukhayev did not like such an arbitrary interpretation of his monologue. He was infuriated even more by the fact that the interview had not been agreed on and that he had not been informed about the release of the books. On July 9, 2004 Paul Klebnikov was shot when leaving the Moscow Forbes office on the Dokukin Street. Nukhayev was put on the international wanted list for this crime.


Another lozanskaya criminal group member, Lom-Ali Gaytukaev, is serving a long sentence for the assassination attempt of a Ukrainian businessman.


Thus, the once mighty lozanskaya criminal group is now completely destroyed. Those of its leaders, who would not admit of a complete control by the FSB, died resisting. Remaining ones for the most part also went under when no longer needed by security services.

Thomas Petrov, Alexey Gordon, Rumafia.com

Mikhail Kusnirovich to get back GUM


Tenants of historic buildings in the city centre of Moscow will face difficulties with prolongation of the effective contracts, because the buildings have been put under state control. However GUM (State Department Store) trade center on Red Square is likely to retain its leaseholder. Russian Agency for State Property Maintenance plans to sign a tenancy agreement with Bosco di Ciliegi Group, a company owned by Mikhail Kusnirovich. The agreement will be effective until 2059, the rent increasing 3 times.

The government of Russia has prepared a draft of the decree, according to which TD GUM public corporation obtains the rights to rent “Upper Shopping Street” premises (the GUM), 74968 square metres, until December 1, 2059. The Agency for Property Maintenance sent the draft to the Ministry of Economic Development on April, 15.   

TD GUM public corporation is a current tenant of GUM premises. The company belongs to Bosco di Ciliegi Group owned by Mikhail Kusnirovich. The effective agreement was signed between the company and Moscow’s Committee for Heritage in 2004 and could have been active until 2044. But in 2009 prime-minister Vladimir Putin signed the decree about the status of 272 historic buildings in Moscow. The decree stipulated that such objects as the Kremlin, the GUM, the large hall of the Polytechnic Museum became the property of the state, not of the city.      

Dispute between the Mayor’s office and federal government over Moscow’s historic buildings evolved in 2002 out of the law, called “On the objects of cultural heritage of Russia”. The former Mayor’s team did not want to “give away” disputable objects for fear that the federal government could terminate tenancy agreements. Indeed the Agency for State Property Maintenance is not willing to prolongate the agreement on the same terms. According to the report of the Committee for Heritage, the Agency was at suit over the rights on 750 objects of cultural heritage in the capital in 2009.  

According to the reports, federal government will raise the rent for GUM building three times. However the agreement allows for sublease without bidding and offsetting of the money the tenant invests in the maintenance and renovation of the building.

Bosco’s officials says the company is ready to pay higher price. Due to the financial crisis TD GUM public corporation has cut down the expenses. In 2009 the company decreased its maintenance costs by 11.3%, in promotion costs – by 9.6%, labour remuniration – by 13.9% and staff training costs – 10 times. Annual costs for reconstruction and maintenance of the buildings was $ 15 m, all works and budget were discussed with the city government. Mikhail Kusnirovich, Bosco’s owner, says the company has been uable to reach agreement about offsetting of the investments. “We both have paid the rent and invested in maintainance”.  


Conflict over Rosneft chairman post


Ministry of economic development has turned down the nomination of vice-president of Russian Academy of Sciencies Aleksandr Nekipelov for the post of the company’s independent director. Earlier his candidature was supported both by the Ministry of Energy and the Federal Agency for State Property Management. Currently Nekipelov is an acting director.

According to the memorandum sent by Vice-Premier Igor Sechin to Minister of Economy Elvira Nabiulina on April, 22, the ministry can not agree with his nomination, because Nekipelov has no status of «profeccional attorny». The Ministry of Energy and the Agency for State Property has already approved the nomination and the only obstacle Nekipelov is facing is lack of formal approval of the Ministry of Economic Development. Sechin says that the situation affects the capitalization of Rosneft, which decreased by 10 % in the second half of April.

Sechin was a chairman of the boards of directors of Rosneft but resigned before the end of his term on April, 11, following President Dmitry Medvedev's order that all vice-premiers should leave boards of directors in the large state-run companies. Sechin will be on board until June, 10 when he is replaced by Senior Vice-President of Vneshtorgbank Sergey Shishin. 

On April, 8, Deputy Minister of Economy Aleksandra Levitskaya, speaking at the meeting held by Vice-Premier Igor Shuvalov, proposed to set new restrictions on the candidates for chairmen of the board of directors in large companies. At that time the decision was made that the vice-premiers and ministers who currently hold such positions should be replaced by “profeccional attornies”, not independent directors. The heads or deputy heads of the companies can not hold the chairman position in more than one company. According to the reports, the third restriction imposes the ban to elect the same state representatives to the boards of different companies. The fourth restriction was formulated by Dmitry Medvedev himself. The attorney, appointed instead of minister or vice-premier, can not be a clerk (technical worker at a ministry).    

As a wayout Igor Sechin proposed to sign a contract of professional attorney with Aleksandr Nekipelov. In order to have the contract signed vice-president of Russian Academy of Sciencies will have to get assessment from the commission of the Agency for State Property, which will take time. According to the company's charter, the chairman and the directors are elected by the majority vote, votes of discontinued members are not counted. The board of directors can choose a new chairman any time by the same principil.

Several factors may have influenced the decrease in the company’s capitalisation. The company can not complete the deal with BP and most likely it will loose its privileges in selling Eastern Siberian oil. The future Sechin's resignation will distract possible investors who associate Rosneft with the support of Russian state, the experts think. It is unlikely that the investors meet Aleksandr Nekipelov's nomination with enthusiasm. Many believe he is inexperienced in making strategic decisions.

Meanwhile Sechin demonstrates his active participation in Rosneft affairs. Last week he announced the beginning of long-term cooperation between the state-run company and LUKOIL. He said he “can look at the company in a more sober way”. 


вторник, 26 апреля 2011 г.

Vitaly Arkhangelsky wages war in the enemy’s territory


French experts who were analyzing authenticity of Vitaly Arkhangelsky’s signature under the personal guarantee for the bank loan, granted by Saint-Petersburg Bank to Vyborg Shipping Company owned by Arkhangelsky have publicized the results of their work. Having collated the signature under the guarantee with the signature in Arkhangelsky’s passport, they arrived to the conclusion that there are indeed some differences. However this does not mean it was not Arkhangelsky who signed the paper.

  Meanwhile Arkhangelsky told journalists that his defence had asked the French court to commence criminal proceedings against “unidentified individuals” who might have forged his signature. Arraigned businessman seems to rush to the attack. According to the statement made on his behalf, “Mr Arkhangelsky’s lawyers have asked French authorities to issue rogatory letters to question certain directors and owners of Saint-Petersburg Bank and Aleksandr Savelyev in particular. Besides them, chief of St Petersburg police Vladislav Piotrovsky, deputy prosecutor of St Petersburg Andrey Kikot and governour Valentina Matvienko should be interrogated. These people are to blame for the abuse of power to expropriate Arkhangelsky’s assets under the pretext of fraud charges”.

For the time being Arkhangelsky has raised positive publicity in foreign media and enlisted the support of famous people who sympathize with him in St Petersburg. He has been supported by well-known corruption-fighter William Bourdon and fugitive official Andrey Korchagin, the former head of the chief traffic control directorate for St Petersburg (GU DODD).

The reports in European media might be part of Arkhangelsky’s electoral campaign. The businessman says the possibility of his participation in the State Duma elections must not be ruled out. He plans to enjoy inviolability as a candidate.

Let us remind that the court of Aix-en-Provence ruled that Vitaly Arkhangelsky can not leave France. He was detained on demand of Russian authorities. Russian side filed Interpol arrest warrant. Arkhangelsky was released on 3 million euros bail but forbidden to leave the country. In July 2010 the chief investigative department of St Petersburg police (GSU GUVD) initiated criminal proceedings against Arkhangelsky under Article 174.1.2.a of the Criminal Code (“criminal funds legalisations devised by the previous concert of the group of individuals”). Earlier St Petersburg police incriminated him in crimes subjected to Article 159.4 (“large-scale fraud”). The investigators believe that in March 2009 the businessman, acting in concert with a certain unidentified individuals, forged “Decision Number 12” on behalf of Western Terminal Limited Liability Company in order to secure a loan from St Petersburg branch of Sea Joint-Stock Bank public corporation. The bank accepted the document and transmitted 56.5 million roubles to the accounts of the Western Terminal.

Concurrently Saint-Petersburg Bank, core creditor of Oslo Marin Group, has brought a suite against the group to the Arbitration Court. The consolidated debt of Arkhangelsky’s companies makes up 4 billion roubles. The court ruled in favour of the plaintiff and the bulk of Arkhangelsky’s assets in St Petersburg were sold by auction. However this money was not enough to cover the debt and the bank went to justice in order to claim Arkhangelsky’s property in Nice. Arkhangelsky has a villa on French Riviera. It has already been arrested on the bank’s demand. The bank claims the businessman bought the property with the money which Saint-Petersburg gave him as a credit.                


Kaspersky’s son ransomed


Ivan Kaspersky, who went missing in the north-west part of Moscow on April 19, has been returned safe by the kidnappers. According to some sources, they were demanding 3m euros for the son of software entrepreneur.

Yevgeny Kaspersky was in London when his son was abducted. He immediately flew to Moscow where he contacted his close friends from the FSB. In order to prevent leaking of information Kaspersky decided not to report the abduction to the police or to the Investigative Committee, because of the threat from the kidnappers who, when demanding the ransom, also recommended Kaspersky Senior to keep silence. According to another version, the kidnappers could have asked the entrepreneur for intelligence.

It is no secret that the intelligence service wildly use the Kaspersky Lab products, in the first place to prevent cracking state-run e-systems which contain classified information. Yevgeny Kaspersky was awarded the State Prize of the Russian Federation in 2009, first person ever to get the award for information security projects.   

Kaspersky Senior had had access to state secrets long before he started his first business. In 1987 he graduated from High «Red-Bannered» School of the KGB. Until 1991 he worked for the Scientific and Research Institute of the USSR Defence Ministry.

Despite media reports about the abduction, the police has not commenced criminal proceedings for Ivan Kaspersky’s kidnapping, because his father has not filed official claim. The details of his son’s abduction are kept secret in the interests of investigation. 

According to the reports, he was snatched from an industrial area in the north-west of Russian capital at the junction of Moscow Ring Road and Marshal Zhukov Street in the morning on April, 19. He was on his way to the office of InfoWatch, company owned by his mother Natalya Kaspersky, at which he was an intern. Ivan is a 4th year student of the faculty of cybernetics and calculus mathematics of Moscow State University.

The Kaspersky has three sons, Ivan being their youngest son.

Forbes magazine ranked Yevgeny Kaspersky 125th among Russian billionaires. His wealth is estimated $ 800m. Kaspersky Senior has controlling interest in Kaspersky Lab firm. Natalya Kaspersky is a director general of the firm. She is on Finance magazine's list of the 50 most successful woman of Russia.


Former head of the Bank of Moscow waves goodbye to the staff


On April, 20, Bank of Moscow former president Andrey Borodin delivered a farewell address to the bank's employees. In his video address from London where he currently is, Borodin thanked his former colleagues for their work and explained that he decided to "withdraw in order not to lose the bank, clients, reputation, and the team." In addition, Borodin warned that after that the bank "would lose its independence and would no longer be able to develop as it pleased." He explained this new phase by a change in leadership of the Bank of Moscow as a result of VTB gaining control over the bank.

Subject of former Russian bankers fleeing to London was continued on a regulatory level. During his speech in the State Duma, the head of the Central Bank responded to comments from the members, who pointed to a number of Russian bankers, including Andrey Borodin, fleeing to London. Head of the Central Bank called this phenomenon "our most important problem". "Today, unfortunately, managers and owners of banks sometimes do unethical things, sometimes bankrupting their own banks because it is profitable. And most importantly, they do so because in most cases they are not punished for that in any way," said Sergei Ignatiev, Central Bank of Russia Chairman. He completed his speech on fugitive bankers by a traditional statement of a necessity to empower the Central Bank in terms of control over managers and owners of banks.

Market participants assume that the main message of the Central Bank Chairman and the main aim of his speech was to once again stress the lack of authority concerning control over managers and owners of banks. And also a lack concerning the regulator implementing reasoned judgments. Experts called Ignatiev’s statement another attempt to lobby the relevant amendments to the law. 


Bastrykin is to be put on Magnitsky list


Jamison Firestone, director of Firestone Duncan audit firm, has appealed to the head of Russia’s Investigative Committee Aleksandr Bastrykin, asking to institute legal proceedings against former head of Moscow tax inspectorate N 28 Olga Stepanova.

On April 15, 2011 US congressman Jim McGovern proposed to put Aleksandr Bastrykin on so-called Magnitsky List (the list of high-rank Russian officials who are barred from entering the US). The congressman reintroduced the Magnitsky Act which imposes sanctions on those responsible for the death of Magnitsky. The bill stipulates economic sanctions for Russian law-enforcement officials and judges, which includes ban from entering the United States and arrest of the assets. Head of the Investigative Committee Aleksandr Bastrykin, chairman of Moscow City Court Olga Yegorova and head of the press-office of the Investigative Committee Irina Dudukina are proposed to be added to the list in the new redaction of the bill.     

In 2008 Sergey Magnitsky was arrested on tax evasion and fraud charges. The police believed that he had been behind the fraud scheme which enabled companies controlled by Hermitage Foundation to decrease the amount of income and dividend tax. In November 2009 he suffered acute heart failure and died. Soon after his death Heritage Foundation claimed that his death was connected with 5.4 billion roubles embezzlement which Magnitsky exposed. According to Hermitage, the officials from Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs were involved in the illegal return of VAT payments.     

Russia’s Investigative Committee has investigated Magnistky Death as a case initiated under Articles 124 and 293 of the CC of Russian Federation (denial of medical care and criminal negligence). No accusations have been brought against doctors. Two medical examinations (one led by academician Yevgeny Chazov) showed that there had been no fault of doctors.   

The scandal has recently hit the news. On April 15, Jamison Firestone, director of Firestone Duncan audit firm and Magnitsky’s employer, has filed a claim addressed to the head of Russia’s Investigative Committee Aleksandr Bastrykin, asking to institute legal proceedings against former head of Moscow tax inspectorate N 28 Olga Stepanova. The audit provider insisted on the tax official having been involved in 5.4 billion embezzlement.

After two days “Stop untouchables!” web-project posted a video. According to the authors of the clip, Olga Stepanova owns real-estate in Montenegro, Dubai and Moscow Region.   

In autumn 2010 the Federal Tax Service appealed to the department of economic security of Ministry of Internal Affairs after the audit of Moscow tax inspectorate N 28 showed that Olga Stepanova illegally returned VAT to 8 companies in the sum of 4.4 billion roubles. However regional department of the Investigative Committee instituted legal proceedings against “unidentified people” under Article 159.4 of the CC of Russian Federation (large-scale embezzlement), whereas Olga Stepanova escaped prosecution.     


вторник, 19 апреля 2011 г.

Gennady Semigin - Russian State Duma Deputy of the fourth convocation


Surname: Semigin

Name: Gennady

Fathername: Yuryevich

Position: Russian State Duma Deputy of the fourth convocation



Gennady Semigin was born on March, 23, 1961 in the town of Dunaevcy in Khmelnitsky region in Ukrainian SSR in the family of a military man. When he was young he was into sports, including boxing and judo. In 1982 he became the USSR champion in karate and at the same time he was awarded the title of master of karate.

In 1985 he graduated with an honours degree from Riga Higher Military-Political Academy.

In 1985-90 he served in the army. He retired being lieutenant in reserve. Subsequently, when in reserve, he received regular military ranks and became a colonel.

In 1990 he created a research and advisory company Center of the economy and private equity concern AKROS. In September he became member of the Council on Business under the USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev.

In 1991 he founded and headed the Russian financial-industrial group (RFPG) brings together more than 20 companies that worked in the field of finance, investment, heavy industry, construction, and real estate.

In November 1991 he introduced an initiative to establish the Congress of Russian business, an organization of businessmen close to the vice-president of the Russian Federation Alexander Rutskoi.

In 1993 Semigin graduated from the Moscow Institute of Law and Finance Academy under the Russian government. At the same time he defended a thesis for Ph.D. in Political Science. He became member of the scientific advisory board to Ruslan Khasbulatov, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation.

Since 1994 he was member of a left-of-centre economic club Realists, set up by Yuri Petrov, head of the Russian presidential administration in 1991-93. However, he did not join Union of realists founded in 1995 on the basis of the club.

In March 1995 Semigin founded the National Scientific-Social fund.

In late 1996 he stopped doing business directly and entirely focused on social activities.

In 1997 he joined the board of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP).

In December 1999 he was elected to the State Duma on the Communist Party list. In Parliament he joined the agro-industrial group of deputies and was appointed Deputy Speaker.


In 2002-2005 he headed the Institute of Comparative Political Sciences in the Russian Academy of Science.

In December 2003 he was re-elected State Duma deputy, this time from Khakas single-member constituency № 31.

In May 2004 he was expelled from the Communist Party.

In October 2004 he founded a social movement Patriots of Russia which included some of his supporters who left the Communist Party.

In July 2005 he registered party Patriots of Russia based on the movement. In the same year he set up the so-called People's Government of Russia and became its chairman.

In December 2006 he and a group of his supporters joined parliamentary faction of the People's Patriotic Union Rodina and replaced Sergei Baburin as the faction leader.

On September, 13, 2007 Semigin, Seleznev (leader of the Party of National Revival who announced the same day his withdrawal from the party and the intention to head Russia movement), Dmitry Rogozin, and Andrei Saveliev (as representatives of unregistered Great Russia party) signed an agreement on the establishment of the electoral coalition Rodina-Patriots of Russia. Members of the party were not elected to the State Duma of the fifth convocation.

He is the founder and owner of the Russian financial-industrial groups (RFPG) and head National Scientific-Social fund; board member of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs; a retired colonel; Doctor of Political Science and Master of Sports. He regularly plays sports, tennis and wrestling; likes classical music and literature.

He is married and has two daughters and a son.

Source: Lentapediya






In 1999 vice-speaker of the Duma post cost Gennady Semigin 2 million dollars. After his three years as vice-speaker of the Duma parliamentary journalists gave him the nickname "Elvis the collective farm". Despite Semigin’s complete lack of talent for public speaking, he had enormous ambitions for power coupled with rather big capitals, put together in the shady economy of the early 1990s.

Source: Kompromat.Ru, 28 December 2003



In 2002 Vladimir Lukin and Gennady Semigin were fighting over the position of the Director of the Institute of Comparative Political Science. Lukin, who was better known in political science community, presented a reasonable program of the institute’s development and promised to get grants. But the Russian Academy of Science voted for Semigin.

Thus Semigin quickly received dividends from spending his money on publishing New Philosophical Encyclopedia. In fact, the list of academics and associate members in philosophy, sociology, psychology and law branches of the Academy matched the list of authors and managers of the encyclopedia. Thus the council members had every reason to support their employer. That was why Semigin defeated Vladimir Lukin so easily and with such a wide margin. Among those who voted for Semigin there were most academics who had received grants and commissions from Semigin’s Research Center.

Source: The Moscow News, 21 October 2002


At the end of May 2004 Gennady Semigin was expelled from the Communist Party. The party’s leader, Gennady Zyuganov, repeatedly voiced accusations against Semigin, called him "the Kremlin mole", alluding to Semigin’s involvement with the presidential administration. Zyuganov also suspected Semigin of intentions to "privatize the party", that is, to seize the power levers inside the Communist Party by bribing the Communist Party regional committees. Communist Party leader prohibited Semigin to finance the party through the regional structure of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, but he ignored the request. The list of claims to Semigin also includes an initiative to withdraw Zyuganov's candidacy from participating in the presidential race.

Source: Komprinfo.ru


In 2003-2004 Semigin failed to takeover the Communist Party and to be nominated from this party as a candidate for presidency. The businessman did not establish a party of his own from scratch, but instead talked Sergei Khramov, trade unionist, into renaming the Labor Party into Patriots of Russia saving presidency for himself.

"Semigin is a black raider in policy, who specializes on taking over parties and factions established by other people, and for that he often resorts to illegal means. He usually takes parties over through the administrative and financial resources. He is not always a success, but until now he has been supported by government agencies and has large funds", said Oleg Kulikov, a member of the State Duma, and secretary of the Communist Party on information and analytical work.

Source: Argumenti Nedeli, 17 January 2007 


Semigin was a key financial donor of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). CPRF's regional branches received principal sums of money as credits. Many believed the credits were pure formality and Semigin, being a member of the party, would never demand repayment. However when Semigin was voted off the party it was CPRF that paid the bill. In fact the party repaid the credits which had been used by Semigin's fraction which splitted off with its leader. Officially the borrowings were made by the regional committees [local branch headquarters] of the CPRF, but de facto other people used the funds. Semigin went to justice to bring back money. He gave 1 million roubles to each region.

Source: Novaya Politika, 7 April 2006


In December 2006 Communist Party members of the Duma, led by Semigin, moved to Rodina fraction (Motherland-National Patriotic Union, which included such left wing groups as SEPR-United Socialist Party of Russia, The People's Will and Patriots of Russia). He displaced Sergey Baburin, the fraction's leader, and took his place. Baburin said that Semigin carried out a successful raid. Later Baburin and a few other members left the fraction.

Source: Lenta.ru, 1 January 2007


In December 2007 members of canvassing team held a rally in front of the office of Patriots of Russia Party, demanding to pay wages which they had earned during the campaign. About 20 canvassers participated. They brandished flags of the party which cheated them and held up placards: «Where is our salary?» and «Give us our money!».

According to the participants of the rally, Patriots of Russia paid only half of the wages to about 2 thousand citizens involved in the campaign. The average wages of a canvasser  who worked during the campaign in March is 4.500 roubles ($ 150).

Source: Skandaly.ru, 15 March 2007


In January 2011 Republican Bank addressed an opened letter to Patriots of Russia Party and demanded to liquidate the debt for 2009 as soon as possible. The bank claimed that December 2009 had been due date, but the debtors have been skulking and have not replied to the bank.

320 million roubles debt ($ 11 m) includes 44 million ($ 1.5 m) owed by Semigin, over 60 million ($ 2 m) owed by Natalya Rumyantseva, a member of the politburo, and approximately 7 million ($ 240000) owed by Olga Aleshkina, an activist, and Oksana Kharlashkina, a member of politburo.  

The loan was secured by Semigin’s stake in Yurconsaltingaudit close corporation. In tax return for 2007 Semigin claimed he was a shareholder of the company and had 49% of its shares.

Source: Kommersant, 19 January 2011


In 2004 Farn-trade company bought a land plot in the west of Moscow for development. Shareholders, two large building companies (the project's contractors) and Russian Commerial Bank have invested in the project, but it seems they will lost their money. As for now even the foundation is not laid.

Gennady Semigin benefits from Farn-trade which have sponsored his political campaigns through umbrella companies. We may assume that at least part of the shareholders and partners' money went to Semigin's political projects.

Piksin and Partners legal advice agency pointed to the report of the Central Electoral Commission of Russia which states that in 2009 bank accounts of Patriots of Russia party were replenished by 10 million roubles ($0.34 m) from Farn-trade and 6 million ($0.2 m) from Yurconsultingaudit.

Source: Expert-online, 3 March 2012


On April 1, 2011, Moscow’s Arbitrage Court has allowed an appeal of Russian Commercial Bank to Farn-trade and ruled that the company has to fulfil its financial liabilities and pay off the loan which the bank granted for the residential building construction project in Kastanayevskaya Street.  

Farn-trade appropriated the money which investors put into the project during 6 years, instead of financing building works. The residential block became the subject of a series of appeals in different courts. In all these trials Farn-Trade management was the party which had to answer. The management raised money from the companies and private investors, but in fact the building works are still on initial stage.

A lawyer from Piksin and partners legal advice company said the court ruled to oblige the company to pay off the whole sum of the loan. 

Source: Expert Online, 1 April 2011 

Rosneft obliged to reveal board meeting protocols


The 9th Arbitration Appeals Court has ruled that state-run oil giant Rosneft public corporation should provide its 2009 board meetings protocols to minority shareholder and famous blogger Aleksey Navalny. The ruling says the information to be revealed should allow for the regime of corporate confidentiality.   

The decision follows earlier ruling of Moscow’s Arbitration Court, dated August 17, 2010. The court obliged Rosneft to provide Navalny the protocols of the board meeting without any restrictions.   

The lawyers of Rosneft brought in current company’s regulations on the accessibility of corporate data. A representative of the oil giant said that the court had not examined the issue of Navalny’s abuse of a shareholder’s right to have access to the company’s information. According to the lawyer, “noble eradication of corruption worldwide has nothing to do with the realisation of shareholder’s rights”. The official of Rosneft added that such actions aim at “giving maximum negative publicity” to the company.  

Aleksey Navalny, who was present at the hearings, pointed to the fact that the company tried to prove his dishonesy referring to unauthorised articles and materials. The minority also asked whether there had been any legal decision on his disonestry and who initiated it. He is considering to appeal against the decision.  

Rosneft officials said that the board of directors has two types of competence: normal (stipulated by law) and extended. The minority shareholders have no access to the information related to the extended competence.

Navalny’s lawyer Dmitry Volov commented on the decision, saying that his client is unlikely to see the information about the approval of management board’s decision by the board of directors (because it relates to the extended competence). The lawyer said: “We will get only the date,  number and signature without content of the paper.”

RIA Novosti

Arbat-Prestige does not smell wrong


The police has terminated the legal prosecution of owner of Arbat-Prestige cosmetic chain Vladimir Nekrasov and his alleged business partner and former consultant of Evergeit Company Sergey Shnaider (known as Semen Mogilevich).

Nekrasov and Shnaider (Mogilevich)’s advocate Aleksandr Dobrovinsky was aware of the termination of the proceedings long before. The lawyer and his defendants decided not to celebrate victory, but the information went through.

The inquiry into the tax return filed by Nekrasov in 2005-2006 has failed to get enough evidence of tax-evasion scheme, developed by Nekrasov and Shnaider to avoid paying over 115 million roubles taxes (as was previously thought).

Early in October 2010 Moscow’s Tushinsky Court refused to examine the case, because the indictment was brought in with the violations of the procedure. So-called “primary evidence” which could help to prove that the accusation were true was lacking. The indictment was based on the forensic inquiry which clearly showed that the accused had in fact overpayed taxes.

From the beginning Nekrasov and Shnaider has denied they were guilty and claimed that  the competitors tried to take over successful company. According to Aleksandr Dobrovinsky's words, he was offered $ 3 million for the company. The lawyer said that Nekrasov was to be «set free in two weeks» if he agreed on selling the company.    

Nekrasov turned the offer down but was unable to save the business. Soon after his arrest the holding faced financial difficulties with outlets being closed one after another. The company became bankrupt.

The businessmen who lost cosmetic retail chain are not going to ask for compensation. The lawyer said: “Vladimir Ilyich has lost one and a half billion dollars. I do not really think the investigator can pay this money”. 


Federal agency criminal donnies


Moscow Presnensky court is about to finish reviewing a criminal trial against Ilya Vakhonin, former deputy head of the inspection branch of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation. He, his twin brother Anton Vakhonin, deputy head of a State Duma committee, and Vladislav Gerasimovich, CEO of a law firm, are accused of having raped a 19-year old girl.

Law enforcement authorities, contrary to usual practice, did not shelve the case against current officials, but on the contrary, openly took the accused down. They shared details of the investigation with journalists and showed unusual fidelity to principles.  However, as Russian Mafia reporters found out, it was not without a reason that Russian police was irreconcilable to sex abuse committed by these high-profile young men. The harshness was brought about in the framework of an existing conflict between these raiders-rapists and other Mafia clans hushed up by security services.

In fact, according to Federal Police officers, the Vakhonin brothers had raider bank takeovers as their second and main business, and for a hobby they had sex abuse. Law enforcement agencies for a long time neglected claims of victims of this hobby of the Vakhonin brothers’ who were well-protected by their connections. But then a conflict emerged between the twin brothers and a large security-services-supported encashment group (a group of people that earns money by establishing a fly-by-night that signs a fictitious contract with an entity to help take money out of its banking accounts in exchange for part of that money).


Officials party: hashish, sadism and group sex

According to investigators, the victim, Alisa Volobuyeva, was born in 1987 in the town of Zhukovsky in the Moscow region and studied journalism at People's Friendship University of Russia. The young lady chose a glamorous life: during the day she went shopping for clothes and at nights she spent her time in the most expensive night clubs of Moscow, where she met with wealthy socialites. In July 2007 Alisa met Vladislav Gerasimovich in a pompous Moscow club Rai. Despite his young age (Gerasimovich was born in 1985), he was CEO of Moscow legal advice firm and director of the nonprofit Vega Support Fund for Culture and Sports. The young people exchanged phone numbers.

Alice Volobuyeva preferred glamorous lifestyle.

Alisa came across Gerasimovich’s mind a few days later, on July 10, when he was spending his time in a hookah cafe, located in the Oktyabr cinema on New Arbat Avenue. The law firm director was in the café with his friend and patron, Anton Vakhonin (born in 1977), who at the time was deputy head of the State Duma Committee on Natural Resources and Environment.

Vladislav called Alisa Volobuyeva and offered her to meet in a cafe. The girl was not puzzled with Anton’s presence at their first date. Soon two more people, Anton’s twin brother Ilya and a girl that was with him, joined them. Anton’s brother was a federal government official, that is, head of the inspection body monitoring the use of federal property of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation. He came to the Oktyabr cinema with a friend of his, Christina Bailo.

Young people were drinking, smoking hookah, and, according to the investigators, the Vakhonin brothers also consumed hashish, although them taking drugs was not reflected in the case. Later, during the interrogation Volobuyeva claimed that she had not liked any of the people there as they had tried to show Alisa in every possible way that they were extremely rich and were well-connected. The girl told them that she was a People's Friendship University student and the twins laughed in response. They said that they knew the rector of the university very well and that they could call him any time now. When she told them about her life out of town with her parents at their house with a swimming pool, the Vakhonin brothers retorted that "well-off people live within the Garden Ring."

The twin brothers Anton (unit of the State Duma) and Elijah (the Accounting Chamber) Vakhonin, Vladislav Gerasimov (director of law firm). Core business - corporate raiding, hobbies - group sex with torment victims.

As a result, Alisa decided to continue the party at Rai club and told her friends over the phone that she would soon join them there. The Vakhonin brothers immediately suggested that the whole company went there and Volobuyeva agreed. They got into a Porsche Cayenne jeep. On the way Gerasimovich asked to drop by his apartment on Zoologitcheskaya Street so that he could change into something more appropriate for going to a nightclub. At the entrance a friend of Ilya Vakhonin unexpectedly said that she was tired and left quickly.

According to the case file, this was when the young men invited Alisa to go upstairs to the apartment with them, but she refused because she felt that something was wrong. Gerasimovich went upstairs alone and the twins continued to persuade the girl to pay a short visit to Vladislav. She refused again. Then the twins forced Volobuyeva first into the elevator and then into Gerasimovich’s apartment. The victim tried to scream and fight back. The men beat her up in the hallway, forced to have oral sex, then took her to the bedroom where they raped her for three hours (from two a.m. to five a.m. on July, 11, 2007).

When the beating and raping were over, Gerasimovich offered the tortured girl 1,000 dollars as either payment for her services or compensation, but she refused to take the money, which led to more beating. Then the men forced her into the shower and washed, promising more harm and trouble if she files a claim to the law enforcement agencies. The Vakhonin brothers told the victim that they had legislative immunity and that “their men would simply kill” Alisa if she uttered a word. Volobuyeva promised to keep quiet about what had happened, but as she came out of the apartment she immediately began to call the police and her relatives.

The victim was hospitalized. Doctors recorded numerous facial and body bruises, broken ribs, a brain contusion, and post-traumatic amnesia (the girl remembered only what had happened in the hallway but could not recall anything of what had happened in the bedroom).

Victim rapists-raiders to rape ...

... And her face immediately after the rape and beating.

The same day Ilya Vakhonin and Vladislav Gerasimovich were arrested by the Department of Internal Affairs in the Central Administrative District (now called the Moscow Central District police) and the State Duma official, Anton Vakhonin, farsightedly hid in the intensive care unit of a Moscow hospital with a registered bout of pancreatitis.

Gerasimovich even made a confession, yet in spite of this the prosecution did not ask for detaining the suspects on remand and released them on parole. Then suddenly all the rape case materials were taken to the Moscow prosecutor’s administration on crime and homicide investigation and the case was supervised by Attorney General, Yuri Chaika. Then the Vakhonin brothers and Gerasimovich tried to flee. They were put on the wanted list and the best officers of Moscow Criminal Investigation Department took up searching the VIP rapists. The investigators disclosed all the details of the situation to the reporters.

Many federal and metropolitan news agencies published articles about the crime for almost a few months. The prosecution claimed that there were attempts to put its staff under unprecedented pressure. Despite this, prosecutors intend to punish high-ranking criminals severely. On September, 19, 2007 Moscow Criminal Investigation Department officers arrested Anton Vakhonin in Moscow and charged him with rape of Volobuyeva and another girl, Svetlana Podzorova who had been abused in 2005.

A year later Anton Vakhonin, the State Duma official, was sentenced to eight and a half years in prison. In April and June 2010 in Moscow investigators found and arrested Ilya Vakhonin, the Accounting Chamber official, and Vladislav Gerasimovich, the law firm CEO. The trial is under way and there is no doubt that the men will be sentenced to many years of incarceration.

It would seem that we witness a rare example of how the Russian police, investigators, prosecutors, and judges “pushed for justice” and punished bad guys regardless of their connections. However, as Russian Mafia correspondents managed to find our, such harshness from the law enforcement agencies and the judicial system stemmed from pursuing interests of very influential people, whose intervention was the only reason for the VIP-rapists to have been put behind bars.

Anatoly Vakhonin is the father of the twin brothers. He served in the KGB-FSB (Federal Security Service) and when he retired he became a specialist in solving various problems of businessmen and government officials. Simply put, he became a so-called reshalschik (from the Russian reshat meaning to solve). As a result, apart from old connections in the KGB he made new ones in the State Duma, the Government, and the Central Bank. It was Anatoly Vakhonin who built a career of his children.

He set Ilya to the Accounts Chamber to Sergei Abramov, his friend and former Prime Minister of Chechnya region, who at the time was an auditor of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation. He helped Anton to get a position in the State Duma through his connection at the Rodina party which then was quite influential in Russian politics. According to the investigators, when they questioned ex-girlfriends and friends of the twin brothers, they all claimed unanimously that the brothers were perfectly normal friendly young men until they felt "taste of power” after which they became totally different people. "The Vakhonin brothers turned into scoundrels intoxicated by their money, connections in law enforcement agencies, and the impunity", said one of the witnesses.

The twins began to change when they organized a raider group that consisted mainly of children of former and current officials. Vladislav Gerasimovich’s father, whose name is also Vladislav Gerasimovich, was then a president of the Aura consortium; deputy chairman of the advisory board on construction, architecture, and construction industry of the State Duma Committee on Industry, Construction, and High Technology.

He helped his son to become an assistant to a Rodina party deputy, Oleg Mashchenko, CEO of a law firm (although according to the law on legal professions there is no such position at a legal advice entity), and director of the Vega fund. In the raider group Vladislav Gerasimovich was responsible for solving various legal problems the illegal business faced. Another member of the group, Alexander Shevarov, was son of Anatoly Shevarov, who then served as deputy head of the human resources department in Ministry of the Interior.

Anatoly Shevarov contributed to his son’s appointment as head of the now bankrupt Insurance company Partner. In the raider group headed by the twin brothers Shevarov Jr. was responsible for solving problems with law enforcement agencies. Another member of the group was Vladimir Chashkin, who then was an officer of Moscow City Territorial Department of the Central Bank of Russia (MGTU of CBR). The twins were actively assisted by Aleksey Korneshov, the son of Alexander Korneshov, acting FSB officer filling the position of the 5-th division of the MGTU of CBR.

Thanks to his father's help, Korneshov Junior became the chairman of Siberian Economic Bank. Vladimir Chashkin and Alexey Korneshov were the Vakhonin brothers' mentors and helped them settle all issues with the Central Bank.

Due to the young age of its members and lack of reputation, the Vakhonin brothers' group were operating small-scale raids, using old connections of their fathers. Their targets included only minor banks and small buildings. All takeovers were carried out «pre-order only». Oleg Tokarev, second-rate criminal raider, was among the dedicated customers.    

In 2006 the twins got really large order from criminal kingpins who specialized in cash-pooling activities - Evgeny Dvoskin and Ivan Myazin. These two had excellent connections both in law-enforcement agencies and underworld (Dvoskin was on good terms with «thief-in-law» Vyacheslav Ivankov nicknamed Yaponchik or Little Japanese). The Vakonin brothers had to take over three minor banks which Dvoskin and Myazin planned to use for large-scale money-laundering and cash-pooling schemes and then to bankrupt. 

The twins had the same scheme for all their operations. They started with offering smart-money ($ 500 m - 1 billion) for a chairman if he agreed to shut his eyes to the fact of transforming his bank into financial black hole. Should the banker refuse he was to face pressure from the Central Bank (thanks for the help from Chashkin and Korneshov) and the threat of legal prosecution (thanks for Shevarov). In extreme circumstances the brothers took over the firms which nominally owned the shares of the bank (that was done with the forged papers made by Gerasimovich Junior).

Eventually the brothers seized two banks for Dvoskin and friends without problems, but the scheme failed with the third bank, Intelfinans-bank. Mikhail Zavertyaev, the chairman, turned down the offer of smart-money outright. When a made-up criminal investigation into the banker's affairs did not help, the raiders used forged purchase contracts to take over the firms which owned large stakes in Intelfinans.  

However the rest of the shares were hidden in the entangled financial schemes developed by Zavertyaev. So this time the offices of the bank became the target of the bandits. Fighters from a private security company, backed by the police, led the raids. Soon the media drew attention to the situation. Dvoskin and Myazin began pressing the twins for the takeover. They demanded to finish the operation without fuss or to return money.

This time Ilya Vakhonin discussed the plan to kill Zavertyaev with Myazin. But Myazin made up his mind and acted on his own. He came to the chairman of Intelfinans and informed him that he was to become a target of assassination. Myazin promised to stop the twins if Zavertyaev agreed to give away his bank. After the refusal Dvoskin and Myazin realised that the twins were no use anymore and required to return the prepayment. By this time the twins grew bolder enough to threaten the «cash poolers» with troubles and reminded them of the large stake in Intelfinans they had already seized which made the takeover of the bank impossible without their partisipation. In the midst of the conflict the Vakhonin brothers and Gerasimovich were detained on the suspicions of rape. 


Point of honour for the police

The Vakhonin brothers and Gerasimovich still claim that Alisa Volobuyeva was a double agent used to kick them out of the game. But who she worked for and what was the game? At the questionings they remained absolutely wordless about the answers, at least until December 2010 - January 2011.

We should say their version has ground. Among the male part of smart night clubs Alisa had a reputation of «approachable» girl. Not once the police detained her on dealing amphetamine (the last detention was in 2008). But the charges had never been brought to court. Alisa might have bought the loyalty of the police and have agreed to provoke beating and rape.

However the police agents who led the investigation say it is insane to suppose that. An agent said: «One needs to have seen her immediately after what happened. She was beaten to a pulp. No one would suffer such pain for any money or benefits».

A source also told the Russian mafia web-site (rumafia.com) that there had been no need in double agents. Money and connections caused «irreversible transformation of their [the twins’] brains». The twins were popular with the girls and this made them think that any girl whom they liked should agree to have sex a couple of hours after they got acquainted. Cannabis and cocaine only added to their сonceit. 

According to the evidence gathered by the police, the twins might have committed a series of rapes. Some of the victims were underage. For crimes the brothers used a flat in Zoologicheskaya Street, rented by Gerasimovich. The rapes took place in the car or in the street. Victims did not hasten to go to the police: the twins paid money to make them silent or used threats. Some victims simply did not want anyone to know what had happened with them. Under serious circumstances the brothers used their connections.  

On February 3, 2005, Svetlana Podzorova, a 19 years old student, was waiting for a bus near Kolomenskaya metro station where she had just arrived. Suddenly a car stopped and a handsome young man offered her a lift. Svetlana agreed to get into the rich car of the smart stranger. The cavalier brought the girl to her block in Nagatinsky Boulevard and then offered her to have oral sex.  

Being frightened the girl refused. Thereupon the criminal went in her way and forced her to have sex at gun-point. Later, after the criminal drove away, the student went to the police. She remembered the number on the plate of the rich car. The police immediately organised catching which resulted in the pull-up. The driver turned out to be Anton Vakhonin and the victim recognised him. The criminal case was initiated. But in the end Simonosvskaya inter-district procuracy arrived ar the conclusion that Svetlana got everything wrong and at the time of the crime Vakhonin, a respected employee of the State Duma secretariat, had been in a different place. 

The investigation decided not to bring charges against Vakhonin, so the case was shelved because of the «impossibility to find out the culprit». The investigation went on only after the publicity which was provoked by rape of Volobuyeva.

There are some responses on the internet which back the story told by police agents. After news about the rape of Alisa spread, some girls wrote that they were victims of the twins. Here is one of the comments posted on a forum. «These brothers are perverts! I wish Anton had nights of passion in prison. I hope you will soon realise what the humiliation is!!!»

Bearing in mind the twins' way of life, one can imagine that it was not a challenge to «kick them out of the game». The only trouble was counteraction and pressure put on the investigation by relatives of the VIP-rapists. The police agents say the brothers would have escaped punishment if not for the help of «high-ranked people». 

So how did it happen? Soon after the detention of Ilya Vakhonin and Vladislav Gerasimovich by the police of Central District of Moscow, a good friend of Dvoskin and Mazyakin and the client of the brothers-raiders Oleg Tokarev came to the police and said that Vladislav Gerasimovich was the weakest link among the VIP-raiders. The police interrogated young lawyer and quickly kicked out the testimony. He pleaded guilty.  

At this crucial moment Gerasimovich Senior was abroad. At the first call he came back to Russia and gave a hard time to his friends from the procuracy, government and the Chamber of Accountans. The investigators faced the avalanche of phone calls and official inquiries from members of the State Duma, high-ranked officials and so on. The «eye-witnesses» appeared who were ready to give testimony to whitewash the Vakhonin brothers and Gerasimovich. For instance, a Kristina Baylo claimed she had been in the flat in Zoologicheskya Street and had not seen the rape there on June, 11.

Some forensic experts expressed doubts about the very fact of the rape and severe beatings of Volobuyeva, fixed earlier by the doctors. After the manipulations with the materials of the investigation Ilya Vakhonin and Vladislav Gerasimovich were released. It seemed that once again they would escape punishment. But the forces stronger than the VIP-rapists’ parents came in.   

Because of the attention the media paid to the case, the investigation was continued by the department of the investigations into gangsterism and murders of Moscow city procuracy. This department carried out investigations into the affairs of most violent, numerous and influencial criminal groups in Moscow: Orekhovskaya, Kurganskaya, Medvedkovskaya gangs. FSB of Russia helped Moscow's CIP in the investigation. Dvoskin and Myazin had good connections in the FSB. Eventually Anton Vakhonin again was detained, his brother and Gerasimovich were put on the wanted list.   

Newly-born shareholders of Intelfinans bank indeed lost the game. Immediately after that Evgeny Dvoskin arrived in the bank's office with a group of bodyguards who simply beat up Zavertyaev with the handle of the gun. While the chairman was in the hospital, money were pumped through his bank. In total the sum of 11.7 billion roubles were laundered. The difficulties with the uncompromising banker and matured Vakhonin brothers had been overcome in a moment. After the gigantic sum was laundered, the Cenral Bank of Russia revoked the licence from the bank. The legal proceedings were initiated and the inquiry into the bank's operations began. 

In Russia, rather than actual money laundering, and cashing in order to evade taxes. In the photo in the center surrounded by guards with briefcase in hand - the largest in Russia Yevgeny obnalschik Dwoskin. Momentum of its criminal business up to $ 3-5 billion per month ...

Since the work of Eugene Dwoskin for cashing (pictured with a cigarette) oversees the management and covers the "M" Russian Federal Security Service, outside monitoring of his operatives were MIA - photos from the archives of one of the officers of the Moscow Criminal Investigation Department.

While being questioned about Intelfinans in 2007 and 2008 Anton Vakhonin said he had nothing to do with this financial institution. In 2008 Oleg Tokarev, a mediator in the Intelfinans  take-over agreement, died in Moscow under very strange circumstances. He was officially burried but the police agents think that the coffin was empty and the raider is safe and sound and located in Spain, where he hides from the parents of the Vakhonin brothers and Gerasimovich.

In any case soon after the fugitive rapists were arrested in 2010 they suddenly recalled the story with Intelfinans. Ilya Vakhonin wrote a statement, saying that he indeed had controlled the stake into the bank and that was the reason why he was left holding the bag with the Volobuyeva's case. He mentioned half-dead, half-fugitive Tokarev as an organiser of the takeover (it is too dangerous to name Dvoskin). This information was absolutely worthless. The system in which the Vakhonin brothers longed to have a place in swallowed, chewed and spat them out. The successful raiders-officials are no longer in.

Thomas Petrov,
Alexey Gordon,

воскресенье, 17 апреля 2011 г.

Yuri Chaika dismisses officers


Attorney General's Office has announced about an upcoming abasement transfer of Moscow region prosecutor, Alexander Mokhov, and dismissal of his first deputy, Alexander Ignatenko, and also about dismissal of head of the 15th division of the regional prosecutor’s office, Dmitry Urumov, responsible for supervising the investigation process.

Prosecutors Mokhov, Ignatenko and Urumov fell victims to an internal inspection announced by Attorney General, Yuri Chaika. The check followed publications in the media about protection racket of illegal gambling establishments in the region owned by a businessman, Ivan Nazarov.

Nazarov, his accomplices, Alla Guseva and Marat Mamyev, and three policemen who provided protection to the illegal business, are charged with fraud (Art. 159 of the Criminal Code), and despite the active opposition from  the prosecutor's office, were arrested by the court. Basmanny court extended their detention until August, 15.

In accordance with Yuri Chaika’s order, Alexander Mokhov will be removed from current office and transferred to an inferior position. Most likely, he will become deputy to the Moscow inter-regional transport prosecutor.

First Deputy Head of Moscow region prosecutor’s office, Alexander Ignatenko, and head of the 15th division of the regional prosecutor’s office, Dmitry Urumov, have been fired from the prosecutor’s office for violation of the prosecutor’s oath. They may be indicted under articles 290 and 285 of the Criminal Code. In accordance with the law on the prosecutor's office, since both men have been awarded badges of "Honored Worker of the Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation”, the decision to dismiss them had to be taken by the Attorney General, Mr Chaika.

The agreement to institute proceedings against Ignatenko and Urumov was reached on March 31 after Yuri Chaika met with Chairman of the Investigating Committee of the Russian Federation, Alexander Bastrykin, and Dmitry Medvedev. The investigation also dropped the intention to initiate proceedings against Artem Chaika, the Prosecutor General’s son, within the case over illegal casino.

The case investigating the casinos has already been delegated to one of the most experienced and ambitious officers in the Investigating Committee, Denis Nikandrov. According to some sources, the investigator, who at some point managed to ensure a nine year sentence for Dmitry Dovgy, former head of the main investigation department of the same division, is unlikely to be satisfied with prosecuting only Ivan Nazarov, his accomplices, and the policemen.